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"ABSTRACTIn the classic study of revolution, The Anatomy of Revolution, by Crane Brinton, (Vintage Books, New York, 1938/1952), the author identified a number of uniform factors as a cause of all great revolutions. In my study of black liberation and the role of the black church, I have focused on three of those uniform factors associated with liberations in history because they seem to surface repeatedly in the subject of the role of the black church in black liberation. These three uniformities are Leadership, Organization, and Ideology, and to be more specific, my hypothesis is that BY AND THROUGH THE BLACK CHURCH, ESPECIALLY THROUGH ITS IDEOLOGY, ORGANIZATION, AND LEADERSHIP, BLACKS EVENTUALLY SUCCEEDED IN LIBERATING THEMSELVES IN AMERICA. This tentative statement will be proved by the data which I obtain from the books I have read in libraries. The hypothesis is in line with the topic of the paper. The reason I chose this topic is: 1. It is and was a fact that in the black community the church is the only. legitimate institution by and through which the blacks are and were improved. 2. The church allows opportunities for training in leadership and independence.(McPherson,1972:81).This means that the church provides opportunities for black clergies to preach, and their preachings in.-the church reflect their leadership, and. serve as a training ground to air their independent thought to lead their people to gain independence. 3. The church functions as the "fountainhead" for the improvement of blacks' social life.(Thompson, 1986: 98). All the great revolutions of history required all three factors in a well-developed stage. In my readings on the Black Church in American history, it too seems to focus on these same three factors. Definition of terms: According to the Grolier International Dictionary, the terms "ideology", "organization", and "leadership" are explained as follows: Ideology is "the body of ideas reflecting the social needs and aspirations of an individual, group, class, or culture" (William Morriss, 1981: 654). Organization is "a number of persons or groups having specific responsibilities and united for some purpose or work" (Morriss, 1981 ; 926). Leadership is "capacity to be a leader; ability to lead; whereas a leader is one in command of others, or The head of political party or organization; or One who has an influential voice in polities" (Morris, . 1981: 743) What I would like to show is how the above three concepts were used by Black Leaders over time in order to form a successful black liberation movement in the United States. Leadership: It was explained that leaders of a revolution are "often of striking respectability and excellent social standing" (Brinton, 1952:1067107). They are not political innocents; instead, "they have experience in leading organizations and even' pressure groups"(. Brintan, 1952: 109-110). As men in their thirties and forties, "they are not newcomers to the world. They are idealists with a streak of realism. The men who act as political prophets are usually "men of words" who are gifted orators" (Brinton, 1952: 124) and "are skilled in the teaching of propaganda" (Brinton, 1952: 163-164). Despite their idealism, they are also capable of "managing organizations which can get things done" (Brinton:1952:166).They seek "to spread their liberating gospel" (Brinton, 1952: 202) and are convinced that "they are the elect who are destined to carry out liberating will of God" (Brinton, 1952: 203). Organization: It is argued that revolutions are "the product of careful organization and propitious circumstances" (Brinton,1952: 90). The key to the success of revolutions "lies in their monopoly of control over liberating organizations" (Brinton, 1952:156), Without organizations capable of "collecting the funds, followers, and attention for their political cause, there can be no revolution" (Brinton, 1952: 164,151). Ideology: All revolutionary movements need "... an ideology, symbols, or myth" (Brinton, 1952: 49)?Revolutions are about ideals and dreams. Brinton says, "Revolutions contrast the current illegitimate, existing world with the good and inevitable world of the world to come" (Brinton, 1952: 150)? "

"Tesis ini membahas pesan terkait keluarga dalam retorika pidato dari presiden terpilih Amerika Serikat ke-44 Barack Obama yang pertama kali dalam sejarah, merupakan keturunan kulit hitam atau mixed-race. Pesan tentang keutuhan keluarga serta peran orang tua tunggal mengambil data dari lima buah teks pidato Presiden Obama di era kepemimpinan pertama yakni tahun 2008-2012. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode kualitatif dengan dasar teori Retorika Aristoteles dan lima pertanyaan teoritik model komunikasi Harold D. Laswell yakni siapa, berkata apa, menggunakan media apa, kepada siapa, dan apa pengaruhnya serta pendekatan-pendekatan lainnya. Dari hasil penelitian ini diperoleh bukti bahwa pesan tentang keutuhan keluarga serta peran orang tua tunggal yang dibungkus narasi politik American dream yang dilakukan Obama masih relevan diutarakan di zaman modern dengan tantangan yang begitu kompleks ini. Masyarakat Amerika Serikat nyatanya tetap membutuhkan hal-hal baik dan ideal yang diutarakan oleh seorang pemimpin negara melalui retorika pidato yang disampaikannya.

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This thesis examines family related messages in the rhetoric speech of US President-elect Barack Obama 44th which for the first time in a history, is a descendant of black or mixedrace. Messages on the family unity and the role of single parent are retrieved as data from five text of the speech of President Obama in the first leadership era 2008-2012. The method used is qualitative based on Aristotle Rhetoric theory and the Harold D. Laswel?s model, specifically looking at top five theoretical questions that are: who, says what, in which channel, to whom, and with what effect and other approaches. The results of this study showed evidences that the message of family unity and the role of single parent wrapped up in the political narrative of the Obama?s American Dream is still relevant in this modern era . US society, in fact still requires, such ideals to be expressed by a head of state through the rhetoric speeches ."

"Artikel ini membahas gerakan anti-kolonialisme Kwame Nkrumah di Ghana dan di seluruh benua Afrika pada kurun waktu dari tahun 1948 sampai 1966. Gerakan anti-kolonialisme adalah sebuah gerakan perlawanan terhadap penjajahan bangsa Eropa yang berkembang di Ghana dan juga di negara-negara Afrika lainnya setelah berakhirnya Perang Dunia Kedua. Salah satu tokoh yang sangat berpengaruh dari gerakan tersebut adalah Kwame Nkrumah. Visi dari gerakan anti-kolonialismenya adalah membebaskan negaranya yaitu Ghana lalu seluruh benua Afrika dari penjajahan bangsa Eropa. Gerakan antikolonialisme Kwame Nkrumah terwujud dalam berbagai bentuk. Beberapa diantaranya adalah gerakan ketidakpatuhan sipil (civil disobedience), penyelenggaran berbagai konferensi antar negara atau wilayah di Afrika hingga pendanaan dan pelatihan terhadap berbagai kelompok pembebasan nasional (national liberation movement) yang termasuk ke dalam pemikiran Pan-Afrikanisme-nya. Berbeda dengan kajiankajian sebelumnya yang pembahasannya sangat komprehensif, penelitian ini akan membatasi topik penelitian pada gerakan anti-kolonialismenya. Jadi, beberapa sub-topik di kajian sebelumnya seperti kebijakan domestik Nkrumah pasca Ghana merdeka hingga kebijakan luar negeri Ghana yang tidak berkaitan dengan Afrika tidak akan dibahas di dalam penelitian ini. Hasil temuan penelitian ini adalah Kwame Nkrumah memiliki pengaruh penting dalam gerakan anti-kolonialisme baik itu di Ghana atau di Afrika walaupun gerakannya di kedua wilayah tersebut memiliki perbedaan hasil. Penelitian ini ditulis menggunakan metode sejarah yang mengambil sumber-sumber penelitian dalam bentuk buku-buku dan jurnal dari Perpustakaan Nasional, Perpustakaan Pusat UI hingga beberapa sumber dari internet.

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This journal article will discuss the history of Kwame Nkrumah’s anti-colonialism movement in both Ghana and Africa which occurred from 1948to 1966. Anti-colonialism movement opposed European colonialism which was well-developed in Ghana and other African countries after World War II ended. One of the most influental figures from that movement was Kwame Nkrumah. His anti-colonialism vision aimed to liberate his country Ghana and the entire African continent from European colonialism. His movements were manifested in various forms, from implementation of civil disobedience, organizing several inter-governmental and inter non-governmental conferences and providing equipment and training for various national liberation movements that his Pan-Africanism thoughts. Differing from the previous research which the main topic is comprehensive, this research will restrict its scope to Nkrumah’s anti-colonialism movements. Hence, sub-topics such as Nkrumah’s domestic policy after Ghana’s independence or Ghana’s foreign policy which does not mention Africa’s affair will not be discussed in this article-journal. These research findings show that Nkrumah was an influental figure in anti-colonialism movement in Ghana and Africa even the result of his movements in those two areas differ. This articleis written using the historical method, by collecting historical sources in the form of books and journals, obtained from the National Library, UI Library, or other online sources."

"Tesis ini membahas mengenai peluang dan tantangan cara pandang seorang tokoh pembebasan dari Afrika Selatan yang bernama Farid Esack. Esack mengembangkan keilmuan ini dan menyebutnya sebagai Hermeneutika Pembebasan. Esack konsisten dalam mengembangkan seperangkat metodologi pembacaan teks yang dekat dengan masalah kemanusiaan, terutama penindasan. Metodologi yang digunakan adalah Hermeneutika Pembebasan dengan teks suci yaitu Al-Qur’an sebagai objeknya. Secara langsung Essack tidak terlalu suka dengan kata kata itu, ia lebih suka dipanggil seorang aktivis dalam gerakanya yaitu Islam Progresif. Model hermeneutika Esack, dikembangkan berangkat dari problem kemanusiaannya di Afrika Selatan. Dari tempat tinggalnya ini, Esack mencoba menggali makna teks agar lebih bisa berbicara dan bersifat praksis dimanapun teks tersebut digunakan, terkhusus pada konteks gerakan sosial. Oleh karena itu, dalam penelitian ini akan dirumuskan beberapa masalah tentang cara kerja Hermeneutika Pembebasan Farid Esack dalam memandang suatu teks serta paparan tentang peluang dan tantangan penerapan dalam konteks progresifnya sebagai gerakan sosial, khususnya mengenai upaya pembebasan penindasan terhadap kaum yang dilemahkan. Sementara itu sejumlah teori mengemukakan, bahwa bentuk penindasan atau pelemahan sosial terbagi dalam dua kategori, yaitu tingkah laku individu dan struktur sosial. Kecenderungan terjadinya bentuk penindasan atau pelemahan sosial dikarenakan adanya hambatan-hambatan struktural sistemik yang telah menciptakan ketidaksamaan dalam kesempatan, dan berkelanjutanya penindasan terhadap kelompok miskin oleh kelompok kapitalis. Melalui Hermeneutika Pembebasan ini, selain akan ditemukanya makna pembacaan teks tentang pembebasan yang cocok dengan konteks gerakan sosial, upaya membentuk solidaritas antar kelas untuk mempersempit terjadinya penindasan juga dapat dilakukan.

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This thesis discusses the opportunities and challenges of the perspective of a liberation figure from South Africa named Farid Esack. Esack developed this science and called it Liberation Hermeneutics. Esack is consistent in developing a set of text reading methodologies that are close to humanitarian issues, especially oppression. The methodology used is Liberation Hermeneutics with the holy text of the Qur'an as its object. Directly Essack did not like those words, he preferred to be called an activist in his movement, namely Progressive Islam.Esack established his hermeneutic approach in response to his humanitarian issues in South Africa. Esack makes an effort to delve deeper into the text's meaning from this base of operations so that it can speak and be useful wherever it is utilized, especially in the context of social movements. In order to fully understand the possibilities and difficulties of applying Farid Esack's Hermeneutics of Liberation in its progressive context as a social movement—particularly addressing attempts to free oppression against the vulnerable people—a number of issues will be raised in this study. Meanwhile, a lot of theories contend that social oppression and weakening can be categorized into two groups based on social structure and human behavior. This type of oppression or social weakness is more likely to develop as a result of systemic structural obstacles that have led to opportunity inequality and the continuing oppression of the poor by the capitalist class. In addition to text segmentation about liberation that are appropriate and suitable of social movements, the Hermeneutics of Liberation also facilitates the creation of class solidarity in a solution to decrease the frequency of oppression."

"Topik penelitian ini adalah tuturan humor dalam pidato Presiden Barack Obama. Humor evaluatif ditemukan dalam pidatonya pada acara kenegaraan Asosiasi Koresponden Gedung Putih tahun 2013 hingga 2016. Penelitian ini memiliki pokok bahasan yaitu humor evaluatif dalam wacana pidato. Penelitian ini bersifat kualitatif dengan menggunakan 3 langkah metode yaitu, transkripsi, identifikasi dan analisis yang akan disampaikan secara deskriptif dari data yang terkumpul. Penelitian ini menggunakan 130 tuturan humor evaluatif yang kemudian diklasifikasikan ke dalam 7 jenis humor evaluatif. Jenis tuturan yamg dianalisis yaitu 1) kontradiktif, 2) asosiatif, 3) pemarkah afiksasi, 4) metaforis, 5) ilustratif, 6) leksikalisasi dan 7) konteksasi. Konteksasi ini terbagi ke dalam 2 bahasan yaitu konteksasi verbal dan nonverbal. Pola yang ditemukan dalam setiap jenis tuturan kemudian disebut sebagai faktor pembentuk humor dalam variabel linguistik. Pola ini digunakan Presiden Obama sebagai sebuah strategi dalam penyampaian evaluasi atas isu sosial, ekonomi, maupun politik yang terjadi di sekitar partisipan terlibat. Prosses humor terjadi berdasarkan pemahaman bersama yang dimiliki oleh setiap partisipan terlibat atau disebut sebagai common ground.

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The topic of this research is the utterance of humor in President Barack Obama's speech. Evaluative humor is found in his speech at state events of the White House Correspondents Association from 2013 to 2016. This study has the main topic of evaluative humor in speech discourse. This research is qualitative by using 3 steps method, namely, transcribing, identifying and analyzing which will be delivered descriptively from the collected data. This study uses 130 evaluative humor utterances which are then classified into 7 types of evaluative humor. The types of utterances analyzed are 1) contradictory, 2) associative, 3) affixation markers, 4) metaphorical, 5) illustrative, 6) lexicalization and 7) contextualization. This context is divided into verbal and nonverbal contexts. The patterns in each type of speech are then referred to as humor-forming factors based on the linguistics variables found in speech. President Obama used this pattern as a strategy in conveying an evaluation of social, economic, and political issues that occurred around the audiences. The humor process occurs based on a common understanding shared by each participant who is involved. It is referred as a common ground."

"Analyzes Barack Obama's political thought, drawn from his own writings, speeches, and interviews, and discusses how this brilliant politician can either save liberalism or be its downfall"