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"Participation in the public sector is an important element of disabled people’s political rights. This paper explores the composition and practices of governmental disability-related advisory committees in Taiwan’s central and local governments. We used documentary analysis, focus groups, and in-depth interviews in our research, finding that the percentage of disabled people in governmental disabilityrelated advisory committees is very low; usually there are only one or two disabled committee members, in most instances with physical disabilities. Furthermore, there are no transparent criteria for the selection of disabled committee members. Accessibility and support are also rarely taken into account in these committees. In Taipei’s new direct election system, the Taipei city government has increased the number of disabled committee members and broadened coverage of different types of disabilities. However, many disabled persons still question the practices of direct election. Finally, this paper suggests that to further promote the civic participation of disabled persons in public policy, the government should increase the number of disabled people in governmental disability-related advisory committees, ensure a democratic selection mechanism, empower disabled people’s organizations, and provide accessibility and support for the participation of disabled people in public policies. A democratic, diverse, and accessible governmental committee will further support and protect the rights of persons with disabilities."

"Many scholars believed that the changing of national leadership will to some extent also lead to the changing of foreign policy. This also applies to US foreign policy when Donald Trump took office as the 45th President of the US.Particularly in the foreign policy, his campaigns rhetoric brought up questions on the direction of US relations with its allies and adversaries. Previously, the US goverment under President Barrack Obama focused his foreign policy to Asia Pacific and Indonesia in particular with his "rebalance policy". With the changing of leadership of the US, some may argue that Donald Trump will also make some changes of his foreign policy toward Southeast Asia. This article discusses the possible impacts of the new US foreign polcy to Southeast Asia, in particular to Indonesia. It argues that in the short term, US foreign policy will pay more attention to non-Asia Pacific affairs. However, with the dynamic changes in the region, the US foreign policy to the region and especially to Indonesia will not alter substantially. US Vice President Mike Pence visit to Indonesia on April, 2017 indicated a positive continuity in US-Indonesia bilateral relations especially with discussion on deepening economic and security cooperation. To put it another way, there will be components of changes and continuity of US foreign policy to Indonesia due to its strategic interest to the region and to Indonesia."

"[ABSTRAKTugas Karya Akhir ini membahas tentang pengaruh sumber daya yangdimiliki oleh kelompok kepentingan American Israel Public Affairs Committee(AIPAC) terhadap kapabilitasnya untuk melobi pemerintah Amerika Serikat (AS).Khususnya dalam mewujudkan kebijakan luar negeri yang pro terhadap Israel,salah satunya kebijakan Syria Accountability and Lebanese SovereigntyRestoration Act (SALSRA) tahun 2003. Sumber daya kelompok kepentinganAIPAC tersebut meliputi sumber daya finansial, sumber daya anggota danlobbyist. Untuk menjelaskan hal tersebut, penelitian ini menggunakan konsepkelompok kepentingan dan lobi. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa sumberdaya anggota dan sumber daya finansial yang dimiliki AIPAC lebih dominandalam menentukan kapabilitas AIPAC dalam melobi pemerintah AS untukmenghasilkan kebijakan SALSRA tahun 2003.

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ABSTRACTThis thesis discusses how influential the resources of the interestgroup American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) towards its capabilityto lobby the United States government in achieving the foreign policy of pro-Israel, one of which policies include Syria Accountability and LebaneseSovereignty Restoration Act ( SALSRA ) in 2003. The resources of the interestgroup AIPAC includes financial resources, members and lobbyists. To explain theabove statement, this study uses the concept of interest group and lobbying. Theresult of this study shows that AIPAC?s members and financial resources is more dominant in terms of AIPAC's capability in lobbying U.S. Government togenerate the SALSRA policy in 2003. ;This thesis discusses how influential the resources of the interestgroup?American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC)? towards its capabilityto lobby the United States government in achieving the foreign policy of pro-Israel, one of which policies include Syria Accountability and LebaneseSovereignty Restoration Act ( SALSRA ) in 2003. The resources of the interestgroup AIPAC includes financial resources, members and lobbyists. To explain theabove statement, this study uses the concept of interest group and lobbying. Theresult of this study shows that AIPAC?s members and financial resources is moredominant in terms of AIPAC?s capability in lobbying U.S. Government togenerate the SALSRA policy in 2003. , This thesis discusses how influential the resources of the interestgroup“American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC)” towards its capabilityto lobby the United States government in achieving the foreign policy of pro-Israel, one of which policies include Syria Accountability and LebaneseSovereignty Restoration Act ( SALSRA ) in 2003. The resources of the interestgroup AIPAC includes financial resources, members and lobbyists. To explain theabove statement, this study uses the concept of interest group and lobbying. Theresult of this study shows that AIPAC’s members and financial resources is moredominant in terms of AIPAC’s capability in lobbying U.S. Government togenerate the SALSRA policy in 2003. ]"