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"Summary:Based on author's thesis (doctoral - University of Melbourne, Melbourne Law School, 2015) issued under title: Is Rawlsian libreralism compatible with Islam?: a case study of post-Soeharto Indonesia."

"Indonesia's Islamic organizations sustain the country's thriving civil society, democracy, and reputation for tolerance amid diversity. Yet scholars poorly understand how these organizations envision the accommodation of religious difference. What does tolerance mean to the world's largest Islamic organizations? What are the implications for democracy in Indonesia and the broader Muslim world? Jeremy Menchik argues that answering these questions requires decoupling tolerance from liberalism and investigating the historical and political conditions that engender democratic values. Drawing on archival documents, ethnographic observation, comparative political theory, and an original survey, Islam and Democracy in Indonesia demonstrates that Indonesia's Muslim leaders favor a democracy in which individual rights and group-differentiated rights converge within a system of legal pluralism, a vision at odds with American-style secular government but common in Africa, Asia and Eastern Europe."

"Public order has remained a central focus of successive Indonesian governments since independence. Since President Soeharto’s political demise in 1998, blasphemy and associated religious vigilantism have, at times, posed a serious threat to public order. Using several recent case studies, this article addresses that issue and argues that, insofar as Islamist actors, opportunistic politicians, and a complicit judiciary are permitted to use religion to disrupt public order and persecute those espousing minority beliefs, constitutional guarantees of the rule of law, legal certainty and equality before the law, citizenship, and other fundamental liberal democratic rights, will continue to be undermined in contemporary Indonesia."

"Indonesia sejak pasca reformasi telah memasuki babak baru dalam mengimplementasikan nilai-nilai demokrasi dan negara hukum. Hak sipil berupa Hak menganut agama, hak berekspresi dan mengungkapkan pendapat di muka umum telah dijamin di dalam UUD 1945. Kendati demikian, dewasa ini sering dijumpai pelanggaran terhadap hak-hak sipil ini lewat berbagai instrument hukum penodaan agama, baik itu dari UU PNPS No. 1 tahun 1965, Pasal 156 a KUHP, dan pasal-pasal lainnya seperti pasal 28 ayat (2) UU ITE. Pada dasarnya secara substansial pasal-pasal ini memiliki kecacatan pada level materil yang pada akhirnya menghasilkan kecacatan dalam penerapannya pula dengan banyaknya ancaman kriminalisasi dan persekusi sepihak tokoh-tokoh hingga warga biasa. Tentu hal ini bertentangan dengan cita-cita negara Indonesia yang menuju negara hukum dengan menerapkan kepastian hukum. Juga menghianati cita-cita pencerdasan bangsa yang diredam lewat ancaman-ancaman terhadap diskursus teologis yang non populer.

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Since the post-reform era, Indonesia has entered a new phase in implementing the values​​of democracy and the rule of law. Civil rights in the form of the right to adhere to religion, the right to express him/herself and express opinions in public have been guaranteed in the 1945 Constitution. Nevertheless, today there are often violations of these civil rights through various instruments of blasphemy law, both from PNPS Law No. 1 of 1965, Article 156 a KUHP, and other articles such as article 28 paragraph (2) of the ITE Law. Basically, these articles have substantial flaws at the material level, which in turn results in imperfections in their applications as well as the one-sided threats of criminalization and persecution to both public figures and ordinary citizens. Of course his is contrary to the ideals of the Indonesian state towards a state of law by applying legal certainty. It also betrays the ideals of national intelligence which are muted through threats to the non-popular theological discourse.

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"ABSTRAKSaga Penistaan Agama rdquo; oleh Basuk Cahaya Purnama menyita berbagai varian opini publik dan terdispersi kedalam sentimen-sentimen tertentu. Demikian dampaknya tidak terhenti pada wacana mengenai ldquo;radikalisme Islam rdquo;, akan tetapi secara riil terkontestasikan pada aksi yang lebih konkrit di dalam dunia nyata. Wacana ini membuka serangkaian debat publik di media sosial yang dikontestasikan melalui media framing. Secara umum, penelitian dengan topik serupa melihat framing sebagai pencipta wacana melalui pembelokan makna kebahasaan dan memuat berbagai kepentingan tertentu terhadap subyeknya. Sedangkan, penelitian ini berupaya menyingkap pembingkaian wacana ldquo;radikalisme rdquo; pada ldquo;Aksi Bela Islam rdquo; beserta konskuensinya. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif berupa analisis framing diserta beberapa wawancara mendalam untuk melihat relevansi mengenai wacana terkait

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ABSTRACTAhok Blasphemy rsquo s Saga seized variants of public opinion and dispersed into certain sentiments. Thus, the impact doesn rsquo t cease in the discourse on 39 radicalism 39 . But in real terms, it also contested in many concrete actions in the real world. This discourse contributes towards a series of public debates on social media which contested by media framing. Commonly, some research with similar topics sees framing as a discourse creator through the deflection of linguistic meaning and contains certain interests to the subject. Meanwhile, this research seeks to uncover the framing of the radicalism discourse on the Aksi Bela Islam and the impact of the framing. This study used a qualitative approach in framing analysis and several in depth interviews to see the relevances of the related discourse."

"Tulisan ini menjelaskan bagaimana peran yang dapat dilakukan oleh Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI) dalam penanganan tindak pidana penodaan dan penyalahgunaan agama Islam. Tulisan ini disusun dengan menggunakan metode penelitian doktrinal. Peran yang dapat dilakukan oleh MUI dalam penanganan kasus penodaan agama saat ini adalah sebagai sebagai ahli dan fatwa MUI dijadikan sebagai bukti surat yang secara materil tidak mengikat. Peran MUI dalam sistem peradilan hingga saat ini terbatas hanya pada sektor alat bukti. Meskipun demikian, dengan adanya Undang-Undang No. 48 Tahun 2009 Tentang Kekuasaan Kehakiman membuka peluang MUI dapat berkedudukan sebagai amicus curiae. Tulisan ini juga memberikan gagasan untuk dimasa mendatang adanya fungsi MUI sebagai pelaksana pembinaan yang berlandaskan pendekatan restorative justice terhadap pelaku tindak pidana penodaan agama Islam. Peran- peran tersebut dapat diisi oleh MUI dikarenkan MUI memiliki kredibelitas dalam aspek aqidah, dan daya kepercayaan masyarakat terhadap MUI yang tinggi sebab kopetensi kelembagaan serta kopetensi personal yang dimiliki oleh MUI. Peran nyata MUI saat ini dapat dilihat pada putusan hakim, penulis menemukan 6 (enam) dari 8 (delapan) putusan menjadikan unsur MUI sebagai pertimbangan putusan hakim, bahkan hal ini berbanding terbalik dengan upaya peringatan keras melalui Surat Keputusan Bersama (SKB) dengan jumlah hanya 1 kasus yang telah diberikannya Surat Keputusan sebelum melakukan upaya pidana. Hal ini berimplikasi bahwa prinsip ultimum remedium yang dianut konsideran induk aturan tentang penodaan agama di Indonesia cenderung diabaikan oleh penegak hukum.

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This paper explains how the role that can be played by the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) in handling the crime of blasphemy and abuse of Islam. This thesis is prepared using doctrinal research methods. The MUI's role in handling the current blasphemy case is that of an expert, and the MUI's fatwa is used as evidence of a letter that is not materially binding. The role of the MUI in the judicial system until now is limited to the evidence sector. However, Law No. 48 of 2009 concerning Judicial Power opens up opportunities for the MUI to take a position as an amicus curiae. This paper also provides ideas for the future of the function of MUI as an implementer of coaching based on a restorative justice approach to perpetrators of Islamic blasphemy. MUI can fill these roles because MUI has credibility in the aspect of aqidah, and public trust in MUI is high because of the institutional competence and personal competence possessed by MUI. The fundamental role of the MUI today can be seen in the judge's decision; the author found 6 (six) out of 8 (eight) decisions that made the MUI element a consideration of the judge's decision, even if this is inversely proportional to the effort to warn hard through the Joint Decree (SKB) with the number of only 1 case that the Decree has been given before committing criminal efforts. This implies that the principle of ultimum remedium adopted by the parent rule on blasphemy in Indonesia was ignored by law enforcement."