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"Penelitian ini membahas tentang strategi gerakan red shirt dalam pemenangan Pheu Thai Party PTP pada pemilihan umum tahun 2011 di Thailand. Teori gerakan yang digunakan yaitu framing, resource mobilization, dan political opportunity oleh Doug McAdam, Sydney Tarrow, dan Charles Tilly. Gerakan red shirt menjalankan tiga strategi tersebut dalam mendukung pemenangan Pheu Thai Party pada pemilihan umum tahun 2011 di Thailand. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa red shirt membingkai gerakannya sebagai gerakan pro-demokrasi, dengan mobilisasi sumber daya adanya Red Villages dan sukarelawan yang diedukasi mengenai Pemilu, dan peluang politik berkoalisi dengan Pheu Thai Party.

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This research discuss about red shirt movement strategy in the winning of Pheu Thai Party PTP at Thailand general election in 2011. Movement theory used are framing, resource mobilization, and political opportunity by Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly. Red shirt movement run that three strategies for supporting Pheu Thai Party at Thailand general election in 2011. The result of this research shows that red shirt framed its movement as pro democracy movement, by mobilizing resource from Red Villages and volunteers that was educated about general election, and opportunity of coalition politics with Pheu Thai Party."

"Penelitian ini meneliti tentang strategi gerakan sosial kelompok yellow shirt di Thailand dalam menjatuhkan pemerintahan Yingluck Shinawatra. Metode yang digunakan adalah metode kualitatif melalui studi literatur. Teori yang digunakan yaitu teori gerakan sosial social movement dari Doug McAdam, Sydney Tarrow, dan Charles Tilly. Mereka menegaskan tiga strategi penting dalam menentukan keberhasilan sebuah gerakan sosial yaitu framing, resource mobilization, dan political process. Kelompok yellow shirt menyusun strategi gerakan sosial untuk menjatuhkan pemerintahan Yingluck Shinawatra yang dianggap melakukan berbagai tindakan kontroversi. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa strategi gerakan sosial kelompok yellow shirt di Thailand melalui strategi framing, resource mobilization, dan political process, telah terbukti berhasil menjatuhkan pemerintahan Yingluck Shinawatra.

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This research examines about social movement strategy of yellow shirt group to overthrow Yingluck Shinawatra government in Thailand. Qualitative method used in this research through study literature. Social movement theory used in this research from Doug McAdam, Sydney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly. They describe three strategies to determine the success of social movement such as framing, resource mobilization, and political process. The yellow shirt group arranged the social movement strategy to overthrow Yingluck Shinawatra government which reputed to carry out controversial acts. The result of this research show that the social movement of yellow shirt group in Thailand through framing, resource mobilization, and political process strategy was succeed to overthrow Yingluck Shinawatra government."

"Partai Politik XYZ mengalami perombakan baik di tingkat pusat maupun di tingkat provinsi untuk mewujudkan pencapaian sasaran strategis. Studi ini bertujuan untuk merancang strategy map dan balanced scorecard untuk strategi pemenangan pemilu tahun 2019 di Partai Politik XYZ DPD DKI Jakarta. Hasil studi kasus menunjukkan beberapa kekuatan, kelemahan, peluang dan ancaman yang dimiliki dan dihadapi Partai Politik XYZ DPD DKI Jakarta. Studi ini juga menganalisis faktor penentu keberhasilan bagi Partai Politik XYZ DPD DKI Jakarta. Hasil kedua analisis tersebut dipergunakan untuk merancang strategy map dan balanced scorecard pemenangan pemilu tahun 2019 Partai Politik XYZ DPD DKI Jakarta.

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This Political Party XYZ experienced reforms at both the central and provincial levels to realize the achivement of strategic objectives. This study aims to design strategy map and balanced scorecard for the winning of the general election in 2019 for Political Party XYZ DPD DKI Jakarta. Results of case studies on Political Party XYZ DKI Jakarta show some strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats facing the Political Party XYZ DPD DKI Jakarta. The study also analyzed the key success factor for Political Party XYZ DPD DKI Jakarta. The result of both analyzes used to design strategy map and balanced scorecard for 2019 general election-winning strategy Political Party XYZ DPD DKI Jakarta."

"Skripsi ini membahas mengenai strategi politik Bharatiya Janata Party dalam meraih suara pemilih pemula pada pemilihan umum Lok Sabha di India tahun 2014. Pemilih pemula menjadi salah satu faktor yang mempengaruhi hasil pemilihan Lok Sabha tahun 2014, melihat peningkatan signifikan jumlah pemilih dibandingkan pemilu sebelumnya. Diperkirakan dari 834 juta, 120 juta diantaranya adalah pemilih pemula. Pemilihan Lok Sabha tahun 2014 menjadi babak baru dalam perpolitikan India, di mana untuk pertama kalinya dalam 30 tahun, suatu partai berhasil meraih kursi mayoritas di Lok Sabha dan itu bukanlah Kongres melainkan BJP. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan mengumpulkan data dari studi literatur. Teori yang digunakan yaitu Model Marketing Politik oleh Wojclech Cwalina, Andrzej Falkowski dan Bruce I. Newman. Cwalina, Falkowski, dan Newman mengemukakan bahwa dalam proses marketing politik terdapat setidaknya tiga elemen kunci, yakni pengembangan pesan politik, penyebaran pesan, dan pembangunan hubungan. Hasil penelitian ini membuktikan bahwa ketiga elemen ini sejalan dengan strategi yang digunakan BJP dalam meraih suara pemilih pemula sehingga mempengaruhi hasil akhir pemilu. Penelitian ini berkesimpulan, bahwa dalam meraih kemenangannya BJP pertama-tama mencoba memahami wawasan para pemilihnya sebelum menyebarkan pesan, di mana menghasilkan bahwa masyarakat India lebih terktarik dengan Narendra Modi dibanding partainya sehingga kampanye BJP berfokus pada brand Modi. Selanjutnya BJP membangun hubungan dengan pemilihnya dengan menawarkan solusi-solusi terhadap keresahan masyarakat pada pemerintahan United Progressive Alliance (UPA) yang dipimpin oleh partai Kongres selama dua periode. Strategi yang digunakan BJP dinilai lebih unggul dan efektif dibandingkan BJP, terutama dalam penggunaan media sosial.

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This thesis discusses the political strategy of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in gaining the voting of first-time voters in the Election of the Lok Sabha 2014 in India. First-tme voters become one of the factors that influenced the results of the 2014 Lok Sabha election, seeing the significant increase of the voters turnout compared to previous elections. It is estimated that from 834 million voters, 120 million of them are the first-time voters. The 2014 Lok Sabha election became a new chapter in Indian politics, where for the first time in 30 years, a party secured a single majority of seats in Lok Sabha and for the first time it was not Congress but BJP.

This research uses qualitative methods by collecting data from literature studies. The theory used is the Political Marketing Model by Wojclech Cwalina, Andrzej Falkowski and Bruce I. Newman. Cwalina, Falkowski, and Newman suggest that in the political marketing process there are at least three key elements: the development of political messages, message dissemination, and relationship building. The results of this study prove that these three elements are in line with the strategies used by BJP in gaining the votes of first-time voters who affects the final results of the election.

This study concludes, that in achieving its victory BJP first tried to understand the views of its voters before spreading the message, which resulted that Indian voters are more interested in Narendra Modi than his party so that the BJP campaign focused on the Modi brand. Furthermore, the BJP builds relationships with its voters by offering solutions to public unrest in the government of the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) led by the Congress party for two periods. The strategy used by BJP is considered superior and effective compared to BJP, especially in the use of social media."

"Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui bagaimana strategi political marketing Partai NasDem sebagai partai politik baru dengan tujuan memenangkan Pemilu Legislatif 2014, khususnya bagaimana peran kepemilikan media dalam strategi tersebut. Penelitian kualitatif ini menggunakan kerangka konsep political marketing Lees‐Marshment (2001) dan strategi kampanye partai politik Nursal (2004). Kesimpulan utama, Partai NasDem merupakan sales oriented party dan banyak menggunakan pull political marketing dalam menyampaikan pesan politik mereka. Melihat dari fakta di Indonesia bahwa partai politik masih sangatlah lekat dengan figur ketokohan untuk dapat mengangkat elektabilitasnya, maka dibahas pula pembelajaran dari fenomena Partai Demokrat yang dapat memenangkan pemilu pada keikutsertaannya yang kedua kali karena kekuatan figur tokoh SBY. Sehingga penelitian ini dapat melengkapi strategi political marketing Partai NasDem yang ada saat ini.

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This study aims to determine how political marketing strategy NasDem Party as a new political party with the aim of winning the 2014 legislative elections, in particular how the role of media ownership in the strategy. This qualitative study uses the concept of political marketing framework Lees‐ Marshment (2001) and political partyʹs campaign strategy Nursal (2004).

The main conclusion, NasDem Party is party oriented sales and using pull political marketing in their political message. View of the fact that political parties in Indonesia are still very closely with the figures to be able to lift the electability, then discussed the phenomenon of learning from the Democratic Party who can win elections on the participation of two times the force of character figures SBY. So this study can complement the strategy of political marketing NasDem Party that exists today."

"Pemasaran politik jadi salah satu bidang kajian di ilmu komunikasi yang terus berkembang. Selain di dorong oleh golongan akademik, kajian ini makin relevan seiring dengan implementasi dari berbagai konsep dan permodelan pemasaran politik di arena politik selama beberapa dekade terakhir. Salah satu model yang sudah cukup mapan dalam kajian pemasaran politik adalah Comperhensive Political Marketing/CPM yang secara spesifik membahas bagaimana pemasaran politik dilakukan oleh partai. Memandang bahwa partai politik memiliki orientasi yang berbeda-beda dalam menciptakan produk politik dan memasarkannya dalam pemilihan umum, model CPM ini menyediakan perspektif yang khas dalam melihat bagaimana partai politik mengatur strategi dan berperilaku dalam pemilu. Penelitian ini mencoba untuk melihat bagaimana strategi komunikasi sebuah partai dengan melakukan studi kasus terhadap Partai NasDem di Pilpres 2024 dengan mendeklarasikan Anies Baswedan sebagai produk yang memiliki pasar baru/berbeda dengan pasar yang sebelumnya telah terbentuk. Hasil dari studi menunjukkan kesimpulan yang selaras dengan premis dari CPM, bahwa orientasi penjualan memiliki celah yang justru bisa membuat partai gagal dalam mendesain dan mengomunikasikan produk hingga akhirnya berujung pada kegagalan elektoral.

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Political marketing is a field of study in communication science that continues to grow. Apart from being driven by academic groups, this study is increasingly relevant along with the implementation of various concepts and models of political marketing in the political arena over the last few decades. One model that is quite well established in the study of political marketing is Comprehensive Political Marketing/CPM which specifically addresses how political marketing is carried out by parties. Considering that political parties have different orientations in creating political products and marketing them in general elections, this CPM model provides a unique perspective in seeing how political parties organize strategies and behave in elections. This research tries to see how a party's communication strategy is by conducting a case study of the NasDem Party in the 2024 Presidential Election by declaring Anies Baswedan as as a product that has a new market/different from the market that has been formed before. The results of the study show that the conclusions are in line with the premise of CPM, that sales orientation has loopholes that can actually make parties fail to design and communicate products that ultimately lead to election failure."

"Penelitian ini membahas mengenai pemilihan umum dan gerakan lingkungan di India. Sejak kemerdekaan India pada tahun 1947, orientasi utama pembangunan di India adalah merekonstruksi perekonomian dalam negeri dan ketahanan pangan, sedangkan sektor pertanian dan pengelolaa sumber daya air terpuruk akibat kelemahan dalam hal investasi dan inovasi. Kondisi ini kemudian menimbulkan krisis sumber daya air akibat dari kelemahan tata kelola dari pemerintah. Odisha merupakan negara bagian di wilayah timur India yang dilanda krisis sumber daya air berkepanjangan. Gerakan “No Water No Votes” merupakan sebuah gerakan boikot yang hadir sebagai upaya dari penduduk Odisha untuk mempengaruhi hasil pemilihan umum Lok Sabha 2019. Dengan pendekatan kualitatif, dalam penelitian ini digunakan konsep Protest Voting yang dikemukakan oleh Alvarez, Kiwet, dan Nunez untuk menjelaskan bagaimana Gerakan “No Water No Votes” dapat mempengaruhi hasil pemilihan umum India di Odisha 2019. Melalui dua indikator di dalam konsep tersebut, blank, null, and spoiled ballots, dan None of the Above. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa, Gerakan “No Water No Votes” berhasil mempengaruhi penurunan perolehan suara partai Biju Janata Dal (BJD) pada pemilihan umum 2019. Partai BJD merupakan partai regional yang mendominasi di Odisha selama hampir dua dekade.

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This study discusses the general election and environmental movement in India. Since India's independence in 1947, the main orientation of development in India has been to reconstruct the domestic economy and food security, while the agriculture and water resources management sectors have suffered from weaknesses in investment and innovation. This condition then led to a water resources crisis as a result of weak governance from the government. Odisha is a state in eastern India that has been hit by a prolonged water resource crisis. "No Water No Votes" movement is a boycott movement that was present as an effort from the Odisha people to influence the results of the 2019 Lok Sabha general election. With a qualitative approach, this study using Protest Voting concept by Alvarez, Kiwet, and Nunez to explain how the "No Water No Votes” movement can affect the outcome of the Indian general election in Odisha 2019. Through the two indicators in the concept, blank, null, and spoiled ballots, and None of the Above. This study found that, the "No Water No Votes" movement succeeded in influencing the decline in the Biju Janata Dal (BJD) party's vote acquisition in the 2019 general election. The BJD party was the regional party that dominated in Odisha for almost two decades."

"The “Red Shirt” pro-Thaksin movement, which organized mass demonstrations in Bangkok in 2009 and 2010, reportedly consisted mainly of farmers from the North and Northeast (Isan) regions. However, within the Isan region, (1) in some areas, few people supported the Red Shirts; (2) within areas that had strong Red Shirt support, some villages were indifferent or negative toward the Red Shirts; and (3) within villages that strongly supported the Red Shirts, there were some villagers who did not support them. In this article I examine these diversities in Red Shirt support in relation to the transformation of local people’s livelihood and surrounding ecological conditions. I do this by means of case studies in two contrastive areas that support the Red Shirts but share similar characteristics in livelihood and other sociocultural aspects, including high dependence on a market economy: TM village and the surrounding area in Nam Khun District, and NK village and the surrounding area in Si Muang Mai District, Ubon Ratchathani Province. Core supporters of the Red Shirt movement were motivated not by personal benefits but by the collective benefits for “poor Isan peasants” thanks to various policies of the Thaksin and pro-Thaksin administrations. They expressed a need for a democratic government so that their requests for government support could be fairly considered. On the other hand, in areas where natural resources were still abundant, and in case necessary a self-sufficient mode of life was possible, local people tended to keep their distance from factional politics, including the Red Shirts. They did not depend on government support for leading their lives. Instead, they held the idea of living with what they had."

"Tesis ini menganalisis fenomena oposisi parlemen Indonesia yang dilakukan oleh PartaiGerindra (2014-2019) sebagai partai yang berada di luar pemerintah dan menjalankan fungsi oposisi. Bagaimana pelaksanaannya, dan strategi seperti apa yang dijalankan Gerindra untuk memengaruhi pembuatan keputusan di parlemen? Untuk menjawabnya, studi ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan mengumpulkan data lewat kajian literatur, penelusuran data, dan wawancara mendalam. Perspektif teori yangmelatarbelakangi penelitian ini adalah argumentasi Katrin Steinack (2011) tentangstrategi oposisi yang menyatakan bahwa perilaku partai oposisi di dalam parlemen merupakan akumulasi dampak struktural institusional, sosio-demografi, serta aspek kepartaian; serta asumsi Tuswoyo (2016) tentang konsep pelembagaan oposisi sebagai proses dan tata kerja yang berkembang secara bertahap sampai pada nilai baku dan melembaga yang disepakati bersama (konsensus) oleh aktor-aktor yang berkepentingan terhadap pelembagaan tersebut.Studi ini menemukan bahwa: (1) sebagai partai oposisi, Gerindra cenderung menggunakan strategi konten dengan menggunakan area pembuatan kebijakan publik sebagai medium interaksi kekuatan politik seperti di tingkat komisi atau satuan kerja lainnya. (2) Selain aspek internal, kerja sama di antara parpol oposisi memberikan pengaruh besar terhadap usaha oposisi untuk memengaruhi keputusan parlemen. (3) Namun, jumlah legislator juga merupakan faktor penting saat keputusan parlemen diambil lewat pemungutan suara (voting). Implikasi teori menunjukkan bahwa: (1) karakteristik relasi eksekutif-legislatif Indonesia menunjukkan bahwa medium Paripurna cenderung menampilkan kontestasi politikantarparpol di parlemen, alih-alih pertentangan eksekutif-legislatif. (2) Kontestasi politikyang terjadi dalam fungsi anggaran di parlemen menunjukkan adanya strategi oposisionalyang dilakukan oleh partai oposisi, artinya tidak hanya terbatas pada fungsi legislasi saja. (3) Strategi oposisi bisa dilakukan sekaligus karena terjadi persilangan (split over) dari dua kategori strategi oposisi. (4) Sikap abstain terhadap hasil keputusan parlemenmerupakan bagian dari strategi oposisi akibat hilangnya peluang untuk memengaruhi pengambilan keputusan.

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This thesis analyzes parliament opposition in Indonesia by Gerindra Party 2014-2019 as a party whose consistently outside the government and functioning as an opposition

party. How is it implemented, and what kind of strategy Gerindra did to influence parliamentary decision making process To answer this, the study uses qualitative methods by collecting data through literature review, data tracking, and indepth interviews. The theoretical perspective in this research is Katrin Steinack's 2011 argument about the opposition strategy which states that the behavior of opposition party in parliament is the accumulation of the impact of the structural and institutional factors, socio-demographic, and and partys informal rules of engagement; and Tuswoyo assumption 2016 about the concept of institutionalization of parliamentary opposition as a process and working procedure that develops gradually up to the standard and institutionalized values (consensus) found by the actors who interested to. This study found that: 1 as opposition party, Gerindra focuses on content-oriented

strategies using the area of public policy making as a medium of political interplay such

as at the commission level or other work units. 2 In addition to internal aspects, the cooperation between opposition political parties has a major influence on the oppositions efforts to influence parliamentary decisions. 3 However, the number of legislators is also an important factor when voting mechanism implemented. Theoretical implications show that: 1 The characteristics of Indonesias executivelegislative relation shows that the Plenary tends to display political contestation between political parties in parliament, rather than executive-legislative confrontation. 2 The

political contestation that occurs in the budgeting parliamentary process shows there are

oppositional strategies by opposition party, it means not only limited to the parliaments

legislative function. 3 both opposition strategies used at once because there is a split over between the two categories. 4 Abstention from the results of parliamentary decision process is a part of the opposition strategy due to losing opportunities to influence decision making process."