Hasil Pencarian  ::  Simpan CSV :: Kembali

"Since Indonesian independence, its Chinese minority has been a Victim of violent outbreaks, but also of restrictive policies arising from politics and administrative measures. From about 1957, with the closure of Chinese language schools and subsequent regulations about expression of Chinese culture, many speak of the erasure of that culture through such restrictions. Violent anti Chinese outbreaks have proceeded from the Indonesian Revolution and the presidency of Soekamo (especially the so called PP 10 measures against Chinese rural traders) to the era of Suharto, which began with the 1965-1967 anti Communist massacres and their effects on ethnic Chinese and came to an end with the provocation of violence against ethnic Chinese in major Indonesian cities. This paper also discusses the reactions to these waves of anti Chinese measures: rejection, flight, but also countermeasures in the form of political activity. In the years since Reformasi, as attacks on them have subsided, many Chinese Indonesians have Chosen to emphasize their participation in Indonesian history and their positive contributions to Indonesian culture. "

"Skripsi ini membahas mengenai dinamika kartun politik pada surat kabar Suluh Indonesia yang menggambarkan situasi politik di Indonesia pada tahun 1956- 1958, khususnya yang bertemakan pemerintahan, aksi subversif, dan hubungan Indonesia – Belanda pasca kedaulatan RI. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode sejarah yang terdiri dari empat tahapan yaitu heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Hasil penelitian ini adalah bahwa kartun politik pada surat kabar Suluh Indonesia yang merupakan surat kabar partisan dari Partai Nasional Indonesia (PNI) sering digunakan sebagai media kritik bagi partai atau golongan politik yang tidak sejalan. Selain itu surat kabar ini juga digunakan sebagai media penyebar pengaruh dan pujian kepada partainya sendiri.

---

The focus of this study is explain about political cartoons dynamics on Suluh Indonesia which describe political situation in Indonesia (1956-1958), especially government, subversive action, and relation between Indonesia – Netherland after Indonesia’s independence. The research using historical methods which is consist of four steps, heuristic, critic, interpretation, and historiography. The result of this research shows the the political cartoons on Suluh Indonesia which had been a part of Partai Nasional Indonesia used as media critic from the opposite party and political groups, and also as complimentary media for own party."

"The Chinese in Indonesia have historically constituted a distinct, if small, ethnic minority amongst the population as a whole. Many of the trading and middleman functions in the Indonesian economy have been per-formed by members of this minority. This fact has aroused hostility to the Chinese, particularly among their Indonesian business competitors. Although many Chinese have been profoundly influenced by Indonesian cul¬ture, they have as a group continued to be sensed by Indonesians as alien even in the case of those who have become Indonesian citizens. Dutch col¬onial policies had the effect of keeping Chinese and Indonesians as sep¬arate groups. The gap between them was widened early in this century by the growth Sf nationalist sentiment among both Chinese and Indonesians. The achievement of national independence by the Indonesian elite brought about a prolonged crisis of identity for the Indonesian Chinese. Over the course of the next two decades, many issues of basic importance to them came into contention. These included their claims to Indonesian citizenship, the kinds of education to which their children could have ac¬cess, their retention of a separate social and cultural identity, and the defence of Chinese economic interests. Their situation was complicated by the emergence of China as a major power under a communist government, which made their political loyalties doubly suspect in the eyes of anti-communist Indonesians. As a small but relatively wealthy ethnic minority which has been ex-posed for a long time to anti-Chinese prejudice on the part of many Indo¬nesians, the Indonesian Chinese have characteristically been compelled (given the powerlessness of China to protect them) to seek an accommodation"

"Fitur fitur ekstremisme seperti adanya pscyhological distress, cara berpikir sederhana, dan keyakinan yang berlebihan terhadap nilai-nilai moral, mendorong individu untuk bersikap intoleran. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui perbedaan intoleransi politik pada individu dengan ideologi ekstrem dan moderat.serta untuk mengetahui efek mediasi emosi negatif terhadap hubungan ekstremisme dan intoleransi politik. Studi cross-sectional ini diikuti 516 partisipan. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan tidak ada perbedaan rerata skor intoleransi politik yang signifikan antara kelompok ekstrem dan kleompok moderat sedangkan emosi negatif terbukti secara signfikan memediasi hubungan ekstremisme dan intoleransi politik di Indonesia.

---

Extremism features such as psychologycal distress, simple ways of thinking, and strong moral conviction encourage people to become intolerance. This study aims to determine the differences of political intolerance score between extreme group and moderate group in Indonesia and to determine the mediation effect of negative emotion in the relationship of extremism and political intolerance in Indonesia. 516 participants were participated in this cross sectional study. The results shows that political intolerance score is not significantly difference between extreme and moderate grop while negative emotion significantly mediates the relationship of extremism and political intolerance."

"Penelitian ini menganalisis penyebab kekerasan politik dalam Pilkada DKI Jakarta tahun 2017 dan kaitannya dengan politik identitas. Penelitian ini menggunakan konsep Hate Spin Cherian George (2016) sebagai konsep utama penelitian dan didukung dengan teori konflik sosial-agama Clifford Geerzt (1981) dan teori kekerasan Johan Galtung (1997). Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan design studi kasus. Temuan penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa kekerasan bukan terjadi karena adanya mobilisasi dari wirausahawan politik yang terepresentasikan oleh Front Pembela Islam (FPI) dan Teman Ahok dengan menggunakan identitas, melainkan tumbuh dari kesadaran masyarakat sebagai bentuk ketersinggungan massa akan sebuah penghinaan atas dasar agama.

---

This study analyzes the causes of political violence in the DKI Jakarta Gubernatorial Election 2017 and its relation to political of identity. This study employs the concept of Hate Spin of Cherian George (2016) as the main concept which is supported by two theories of social-religious conflict of Clifford Geerzt (1981) and violence theory of Johan Galtung (1997).  Employing qualitative methods with case study design, this research suggests that violence did not occur because of the mobilization of political entrepreneurs represented by Front Pembela Islam (FPI) and Teman Ahok in using identity. The violence grew out to public awareness as a form of offense to the masses would be an insult on the basis of religion. "

"Politik di Bangladesh telah mengalami kriminalisasi selama empat dekade terakhir, sehingga mengakibatkan kekerasan politik terjadi pada berbagai tingkat dan lingkup, termasuk pendidikan. Organisasi sayap partai yang mendominasi di lembaga perguruan tinggi seringkali menggunakan kekerasan sebagai metode untuk mengontrol situasi politik yang tidak stabil. Selain itu, organisasi sayap partai tersebut juga seringkali digunakan untuk menjalankan agenda politik dan memperluas jaringan politik di kampus. Studi ini menganalisis bentuk dan faktor penyebab dari terjadinya kekerasan politik yang dilakukan oleh Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL) sebagai organisasi sayap partai Liga Awami dengan Sheikh Hasina sebagai pemimpin sekaligus Perdana Menteri yang menjabat di Bangladesh sejak 2009 hingga saat ini. Studi ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dan dianalisis melalui Teori Kekerasan dari Johan Galtung (1969). Studi ini menemukan bahwa kekerasan politik yang dilakukan BCL di Bangladesh disebabkan oleh (1) faktor institusional, yaitu kekerasan dilakukan untuk memastikan dominasi politik BCL dan partai Liga Awami di kampus. Di samping itu, pembiaran yang dilakukan oleh negara menjadikan kekerasan politik yang dilakukan oleh BCL terus berlanjut, (2) faktor politik, yaitu keinginan untuk mendapatkan kekuasaan dan akses terhadap sumber daya negara di masa depan, dan (3) faktor kultural, yaitu kultur kekerasan dan dominasi yang dinormalisasi di Bangladesh.

---

Politics in Bangladesh has been criminalized over the past four decades, resulting in political violence occurring at various levels and scopes, including in education. Dominant party wings in higher education institutions often use violence as a method to control unstable political situations. Additionally, these party wings are often used to further political agendas and expand political networks on campuses. This study analyzes the forms and causes of political violence carried out by the Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL), the student wing of the Awami League, under the leadership of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, who has been in office in Bangladesh since 2009. This study uses qualitative methods and is analyzed through Johan Galtung's Violence Theory (1969). The study found that BCL's political violence in Bangladesh is caused by (1) institutional factors, namely violence is carried out to ensure the political dominance of BCL and the Awami League party on campuses, (2) political factors, namely the desire to gain power and access to state resources in the future, and (3) cultural factors, namely the normalized culture of violence and domination in Bangladesh. Furthermore, the state's inaction perpetuates BCL's political violence."