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"ABSTRAKTulisan ini merupakan hasil penelitian yang bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan makna simbolik dan dinamika perkembangan pakaian adat suku Toraja yang ada di Sulawesi Selatan. Pakaian adat suku Toraja berdasarkan fungsi penggunaannya terbagi dua yaitu pakaian sehari-hari dan pakaian upacara adat. Pakaian untuk wanita Toraja yaitu baju pokko dan do'doan laki-laki memakai celana seppa tallung buju dan sambu. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan deskriptif, teknik pengumpulan data melalui pengamatan, wawancara, dan studi pustaka. Hasil penelitian yang mengungkapkan bahwa pakaian adat suku Toraja beserta perhiasan yang dikenakan memiliki makna yang simbolik yang melambangkan stratifikasi sosial orang yang memakainya. Warna cerah dipakai pada upacara syukuran atau Rambu Tuka dan warna hitam dipakai pada upacara kedukaan atau Rambu Solo. Dalam perkembangannya pakaian adat Toraja mengalami pergeseran nilai dan fungsi pada penggunaannya. Perubahan tampak pada pakaian adat pengantin Toraja, yang mengalami perubahan pada bahan yang digunakan, maupun model yang sudah mengikuti trend mode zaman sekarang."

"ABSTRACTThis dissertation discusses tau-tau as one of the funeral equipment (mmbu solo?) forthe Torajan noble society (lana' bulaan). Tau-tau is a ?statue? of a deceased person.There are 3 kinds of tau-tau: tau-tau nangka', tau-tau lampa?, and batelepong. After afuneral, only tau-tau nangka is placed on top of a cliff, alongside other previous tau-taunangira, while tau-tau lampa and batelepong are thrown to the shrubs.At first, tau-tau was worshiped and mourned by the Aluk to Dolo Torajan family andcommunity, but as the Torajan people left the Aluk to Dolo belief and most changetheir belief to Christiani or some change to Islam, tau-tau is no longer worshiped andmourned, but used to maintain and reinforce nobility. Therefore, tau-tau Aluk to Dolorituals are modified according to the belief of a family who practice the ritual.The phenomenon mentioned above is a general picture and a small part of tau-tau'sexistence and rituals in the past to present. Therefore, it is interesting to study it further;although Aluk to Dolo belief is gradually left behind by the Torajan people, almost allthe principles are still practiced in various rituals, to maintain custom and tradition inTorajan.This research's question is how the Torajan community conducts funeral where tau-tauis still made as a symbol of Torajan's nobility (although they do not practice Aluk toDolo), and the use of it in social life and rambu solo'ritual which are conducted byTorajan Aluk to Dolo community and modern Torajan community.This research uses Radcliffe-Brown's structure and function concept (1952), Durkheim(1954), Turner (1957, 1974), who suggest that religion reflects the structure of a socialsystem, and functions to maintain the system throughout time. Structure and function concept sees the community as a system of social structures. Structure in this case isreal pattems of relations or interactions among various social components - pattemswhich relatively last longer because those interactions occur in an approximatelyorganized way (Saifuddin, 2009. The function of religion is an effort to strengthen andreaffirm social solidarity, and as something that has a signilicant symbol to a group orcommunity. The existence of tau-tau?s function and meaning which continuouslychanged and modified (no longer suitable with Aluk to Dolo), is an indication that thetau-tau they made no longer has a sacred meaning.Findings in this research are: 1) Tau-tau is a personification, regarded as a reincarnationand the residence of the deccased?s spirit after a series of Aluk to Dolo ceremonies.Tau-tau is accepted as a depiction of the deceased, not only shaped by association ofcostume and ritual which affirms tau-tau as a ?reincarnation? of the deceased, but alsocaused by the positive response from Torajan conununity which submits to and acceptsthe lau-tau and considers it resembles, even similar to the deceased. This made tau-tauis highly respected and worshiped by the family and Torajan community in general, asif the person is still alive. 2) Tau-tau represents nobility. This is because the making oftau-tau is based on social stratification in Aluk to Dolo, which is still held firmly byToraja community up until now. Tau-tau as a representation of nobility also shows inhow attributes, costume, and how the costume is worn by tau-tau. For example, theheadband (passapu) on men, chignon (simbolon) on women, clothes (bayu), knee-length trousers (seppa tallu buku), sarong (dodo), puch to store betel and nut (sepu).In daily life, only noble society is allowed to wear the costume, while common peopleare not allowed to.Conclusion: The outcome of this research shows that the production of tau-tau as oneof the funeral equipments in Toraja?s noble families up to this day, has a close relationto an elfort of reaffirmation and reconfirmation in group solidarity, and has a significantsymbol in the families' social status in many ways, particularly in ceremonies where it isvery respected by the Toraja community. The existence of tau-tau in a Toraja's noblefamily funeral was a part of a religious ritual, Aluk to Dolo. Therefore, it is not easy fora noble to remove a habit of making a tau-tau or a statue portraying a deceased person,even though they have left Aluk to Dolo belief.Therefore, there are different kinds of tau-tau that consist of: 1) Original tau-tau (tau-tau Aluk to Dolo). It has a simple shape, not proportional, and entirely different fromthe deceased, placed at the funeral site, a spirit is believed to reside in the tau-tau, andis sacred. 2) Realistic tau-tau (Christian tau-tau). ldeal in shape and proportion, andresembles the deceased, placed at the funeral site, and profane. 3) Portrait statue. Theshape, proportion and its style consider more on the artistic value to replicate thedeceased, and placed in houses as an artwork. 4) Souvenir tau-tau. Made with variousshapes, sizes, and materials, and sold around the funeral site and souvenir stores inRantepao and Makale."

"Pasar tradisional merupakan tempat terjadinya aktivitas ekonomi lokal berupa kegiatan jual bei antara pedagang dan pembeli. Di dalam aktivitas jual beli ini, terbentuklah interaksi yang kompleks, baik melalui kegiatan tawar menawar antara pembeli dan pedagang maupun persaingan antarpedagang sebagai wujud unsur sosial budaya. Akibatnya, pasar tradisional tidak pernah lepas dari unsur ekonomi lokal dan sosial budaya yang mengitarinya.Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan keterkaitan antara pasar tradisional Bolu di Toraja Utara dan ritual kematian orang Toraja. Ritual kematian orang Toraja, Rambu Solo, adalah salah satu ritual terpenting dalam kebudayaan orang Toraja. Rambu Solo dilaksanakan sesuai dengan kelas sosial dan didorong oleh budaya siri. Setiap kelas sosial dibedakan berdasarkan lama pelaksanaan ritual, tingkat kerumitan, dan jumlah hewan kurban yang disembelih, khususnya kerbau. Semakin tinggi kasta sosial orang yang meninggal, ritual Rambu Solo yang dilaksanakan akan semakin rumit, menghabiskan semakin banyak waktu dan kerbau. Kehadiran Pasar Hewan Bolu sangat membantu masyarakat Toraja dalam memperoleh kerbau.Mengakhiri rangkaian studi literatur, wawancara, dan studi lapangan yang dilakukan selama menyusun tulisan ini, penulis menyimpulkan bahwa Pasar Hewan Bolu dapat dipandang sebagai pasar yang memenuhi kebutuhan orang mati, yakni kebutuhan ritual Rambu Solo. Oleh karena itu, selama orang Toraja bertahan untuk tetep melaksanakan ritual kematian Rambu Solo, maka kehadiran Pasar Hewan Bolu tidak dapat dipisahkan dari kehidupan berbudaya masyarakat Toraja.

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A traditional market is where local economy activities, mainly the process of selling and buying, take place. In this activity of selling and buying, a complex interactions are formed, firstly through the bargainnning between the buyers and traders, secondly through the competition among the traders, both as manifests of the local economical and socio-cultural elements. Hence, a traditional market could never be detached from its surrounding local economy and socio-cultural elements.

This thesis aims to explain the relationship between Bolu Animal Market, a traditional market in North Toraja, and Rambu Solo, the funeral ceremony of Toraja people. Rambu Solo is one of the most significant rituals in the culture of Toraja. It is observed based on social class and driven by the siri culture. Each social class is distinguished by the duration and complexity of the ritual, also by the number of sacrificial animals slaugthered, especially bufallo. The higher the social caste of the Toraja people who died, the more complicated the ritual will be carried out, spending more in both time and bufallo. Bufallo has become a key element in this ritual. The existence of Bolu Animal Market is an immense help for the Toraja people to obtain bufallo.

Hence, closing the series of literature study, interview, and field study along with this thesis writing, the author concludes that Bolu Animal Market can be seen as a market that meets the needs of the dead, as it provides the main requirement of Rambu Solo. As long as the people of Toraja keep observing the ritual of Rambu Solo, the presence of Bolu Animal Market can not be separated from their cultural life."

"Sastra sebagai cerminan kondisi masyarakat tidak dapat dipisahkan dari kebudayaan. Saat ini ada banyak karya sastra yang mengangkat kebudayaan dalam sastra dengan tema kedaerahan. Salah satunya adalah cerpen “Rambu Solo’” karya Sulfiza Ariska. Cerpen tersebut mampu memberikan gambaran yang baik mengenai upacara Rambu Solo’ sebagai kebudayaan masyarakat Toraja yang masih dilakukan hingga saat ini. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan warna lokal dan representasi sistem kepercayaan aluk todolo masyarakat Toraja dalam cerpen “Rambu Solo’” karya Sulfiza Ariska. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode deskriptif kualitatif dengan pendekatan sosiologi sastra. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa cerpen “Rambu Solo’” karya Sulfiza Ariska memuat beberapa hal terkait warna lokal. Pertama, adanya penggunaan nama diri yang mengacu pada hari dan tempat kelahiran, serta bentuk panggilan yang digunakan masyarakat Toraja. Kedua, cerpen “Rambu Solo’” bertema proses perjuangan keluarga Raiya untuk menyelenggarakan upacara Rambu Solo’ bagi Ambe. Ketiga, latar tempat dalam cerpen adalah Tongkonan, sumbung, dan dapur. Selain itu, warna lokal juga ditunjukkan dengan adanya motivasi masyarakat Toraja saat mempersembahkan hewan ternak dalam Rambu Solo’, mata pencarian, prosesi pemakaman dalam Rambu Solo’, dan makna ukiran bagi masyarakat Toraja. Representasi sistem kepercayaan aluk todolo dalam cerpen “Rambu Solo’” dihadirkan melalui adanya objek penyembahan, pokok ajaran aluk, dan hukum dalam aluk todolo.

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Literature as a reflection of the condition of society cannot be separated from culture. Currently there are many literary works that raise culture in literature with regional themes. One of them is the short story “Rambu Solo’” by Sulfiza Ariska. The short story is able to provide a good picture of the ceremony Rambu Solo’ as a Toraja culture which is still practiced today. This study aims to explain the local color and representation of the belief system of aluk todolo people of Toraja in the short story “Rambu Solo’” by Sulfiza Ariska. This study uses a qualitative descriptive method with a sociology of literature approach. The results showed that the short story “Rambu Solo’” by Sulfiza Ariska contained three things related to local colors. First, there is the use of self-names that refer to the day and place of birth, as well as the form of calling used by the Toraja people. The short story “Rambu Solo’” is themed on the process of the Raiya family's struggle to hold a ceremony Rambu Solo’ for Ambe. Second, the setting in the short story is Tongkonan, sumbung, and the kitchen. Third, the local color is also shown by the motivation of the Toraja people when offering livestock in the ceremony Rambu Solo’, livelihood, funeral processions in the ceremony Rambu Solo’, and the meaning of carving for the Toraja people. Representation belief system aluk todolo in the short story “Rambu Solo’” presented through their object of worship, the basic teachings of aluk and the law in aluk todolo."

"Sastra sebagai cerminan kondisi masyarakat tidak dapat dipisahkan dari kebudayaan. Saat ini ada banyak karya sastra yang mengangkat kebudayaan dalam sastra dengan tema kedaerahan. Salah satunya adalah cerpen “Rambu Solo’” karya Sulfiza Ariska. Cerpen tersebut mampu memberikan gambaran yang baik mengenai upacara Rambu Solo’ sebagai kebudayaan masyarakat Toraja yang masih dilakukan hingga saat ini. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan warna lokal dan representasi sistem kepercayaan aluk todolo masyarakat Toraja dalam cerpen “Rambu Solo’” karya Sulfiza Ariska. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode deskriptif kualitatif dengan pendekatan sosiologi sastra. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa cerpen “Rambu Solo’” karya Sulfiza Ariska memuat beberapa hal terkait warna lokal. Pertama, adanya penggunaan nama diri yang mengacu pada hari dan tempat kelahiran, serta bentuk panggilan yang digunakan masyarakat Toraja. Kedua, cerpen “Rambu Solo’” bertema proses perjuangan keluarga Raiya untuk menyelenggarakan upacara Rambu Solo’ bagi Ambe. Ketiga, latar tempat dalam cerpen adalah Tongkonan, sumbung, dan dapur. Selain itu, warna lokal juga ditunjukkan dengan adanya motivasi masyarakat Toraja saat mempersembahkan hewan ternak dalam Rambu Solo’, mata pencarian, prosesi pemakaman dalam Rambu Solo’, dan makna ukiran bagi masyarakat Toraja. Representasi sistem kepercayaan aluk todolo dalam cerpen “Rambu Solo’” dihadirkan melalui adanya objek penyembahan, pokok ajaran aluk, dan hukum dalam aluk todolo.

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Literature as a reflection of the condition of society cannot be separated from culture. Currently there are many literary works that raise culture in literature with regional themes. One of them is the short story “Rambu Solo’” by Sulfiza Ariska. The short story is able to provide a good picture of the ceremony Rambu Solo’ as a Toraja culture which is still practiced today. This study aims to explain the local color and representation of the belief system of aluk todolo people of Toraja in the short story “Rambu Solo’” by Sulfiza Ariska. This study uses a qualitative descriptive method with a sociology of literature approach. The results showed that the short story “Rambu Solo’” by Sulfiza Ariska contained three things related to local colors. First, there is the use of self-names that refer to the day and place of birth, as well as the form of calling used by the Toraja people. The short story “Rambu Solo’” is themed on the process of the Raiya family's struggle to hold a ceremony Rambu Solo’ for Ambe. Second, the setting in the short story is Tongkonan, sumbung, and the kitchen. Third, the local color is also shown by the motivation of the Toraja people when offering livestock in the ceremony Rambu Solo’, livelihood, funeral processions in the ceremony Rambu Solo’, and the meaning of carving for the Toraja people. Representation belief system aluk todolo in the short story “Rambu Solo’” presented through their object of worship, the basic teachings of aluk and the law in aluk todolo."