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"Recent international intervention in Afghanistan has reproduced familiar versions of the Afghan national story, from repeatedly doomed invasions to perpetual fault lines of ethnic division. Yet almost no attention has been paid to the ways in which Afghans have made sense of their history themselves. Radically questioning received ideas about how to understand Afghanistan, Afghan History Through Afghan Eyes asks how Afghan intellectuals, ideologues and ordinary people have understood their collective past. The book brings together the leading international specialists to focus on case studies of the Dari, Pashto and Uzbek histories which Afghans have produced in abundance since the formation of the Afghan state in the mid-eighteenth century. As crucial sources on Afghans own conceptions of state, society and culture, their writings help us understand the dominant and marginal, conflicting and changing, ways in which Afghans have understood the emergence of their own society and its relationships with the wider world. Based on new research in Afghan languages, Afghan History Through Afghan Eyes opens up entirely new perspectives on Afghan political, social and cultural life, providing penetrating insights into the master narratives behind domestic and international conflict in Afghanistan."

"Reproduction of authors political diary on the political developments from 1982 to 1985 in Afghanistan"

"Notes: The middle world. The hijra. Birth of the khalifate. The schism. Empire of the Umayyads. The Abassid age. Scholars, philosophers, and sufis. Enter the Turks. Havoc. Rebirth. Meanwhile in Europe. West comes East. The reform movements. Industry, constitutions, and nationalism. Rise of the secular modernists. The crisis of modernity. The tide turn"

"ABSTRACTPenelitian ini menjelaskan tentang pembagian kekuasaan power-sharing sebagai upaya resolusi konflik untuk mengatasi konflik Pemilu Presiden Afghanistan tahun 2014. Berawal dari permasalahan bahwa Pemilu Presiden Afghanistan tahun 2014 berpotensi mendorong pada adanya konflik kekerasan setelah Independent Election Commission IEC mengumumkan perolehan suara awal putaran kedua yang menunjukkan kemenangan Ashraf Ghani mdash;kandidat beretnis Pashtun mdash;atas Abdullah Abdullah kandidat beretnis Tajik. Dari sini, muncul berbagai ancaman kekerasan dan ancaman pembentukan pemerintahan tandingan. Mengatasi hal ini pembagian kekuasaan power-sharing digunakan sebagai upaya resolusi konflik yang tidak menciptakan kondisi winner-takes-all. Abdullah Abdullah sebagai pihak yang kalah diberikan posisi jabatan baru bernama Chief Executive Officer CEO yang nantinya akan berkerja dengan Presiden, membagi kekuasaan di dalam National Unity Government NUG. Dengan menggunakan teori Power-sharing Model Konsosiasional milik Arend Lijphart, penelitian ini menemukan bahwa kesepakatan power-sharing yang diformalkan pada Perjanjian tanggal 21 September 2014 ini sudah merefleksikan tiga komponen power-sharing berupa pembentukan koalisi besar, pemberian otonomi kepada masing-masing pihak berkonflik, dan penerapan asas proporsionalitas dalam pengalokasian pejabat pemerintah. Namun, penulis menemukan bahwa ketiga komponen ini belum terimplementasi sepenuhnya. Karenanya, power-sharing hanya menciptakan kondisi pada perdamaian negatif berhasil meredam konflik kekerasan; namun tidak menghilangkan ketidakadilan di dalam pemerintahan yang terbentuk.

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ABSTRACTThis research explains about power sharing as an effort of conflict resolution to resolve Afghanistan Presidential Election conflict in 2014. Starting from the issue that the Afghanistan Presidential Election 2014 has the potential to push for violent conflict after the Independent Election Commission IEC announced the initial vote of the second round which shows the victory of Ashraf Ghani a Pashtun candidate, over Abdullah Abdullah a Tajik ethnic candidate. From here, various threats of violence and the threat of forming a parallel government occurred. Overcoming this, power sharing is used as a conflict resolution effort that does not create winner takes all condition. Abdullah Abdullah as a losing party was given a new position named Chief Executive Officer CEO who will later work with the President, to share power within the National Unity Government NUG. By using Arend Lijphart 39 s Consociational Model of Power sharing theory, this study finds that the power sharing agreement formalized on September 21st 2014 reflects three components of power sharing such as the formation of a grand coalition, both autonomy to each conflicting party, and applying the principle of proportionality in the allocation of government officials. However, the author finds that these three components are not fully implemented yet. Thus, power sharing only creates a negative peace condition succeed in suppressing violent conflict yet it does not eliminate injustice within the established government. "

"Perang yang terjadi di Afghanistan akibat dari serangan 11 September 2001 telah menginspirasi Hollywood untuk memproduksi film yang sering menceritakan dan menstereotip komunitas Muslim di Amerika. Representasi yang ditampilkan pun berubah dari waktu ke waktu. Sekarang, Hollywood tidak lagi sepenuhnya menggambarkan tokoh Muslim sebagai musuh dari dunia barat. Contohnya, film 12 Strong (2018) adalah salah satu film yang menceritakan perang Afghanistan. Film ini dipuji karena terlihat menampilkan representasi Muslim yang baik. Hal ini bisa dilihat dari bagaimana tokoh Muslim bersatu dengan tentara Amerika melawan teroris. Artikel ini akan melihat lebih jauh bagaimana tokoh Muslim direpresentasikan dalam film 12 Strong menggunakan konsep Orientalisme Edward Said. Temuan dalam artikel ini menunjukkan bahwa film ini menampilkan representasi yang bertolak belakang mengenai Muslim yang “baik” dan Muslim yang “buruk” dengan fokus utama yaitu Muslim pria. Karakterisasi Muslim yang “buruk” dikonstruksi dari gabungan sudut pandang Amerika dan Muslim Afghanistan, sedangkan karakterisasi Muslim yang “baik” dikonstruksi dari sudut pandang Amerika. Jadi, alih-alih memberikan representasi kritis Muslim dalam konteks Afghanistan, film ini mereproduksi narasi terpolarisasi yang mirip dengan film Hollywood sebelumnya.

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The war that took place in Afghanistan as a result of 9/11 event has inspired Hollywood to create many movies which often address and stereotype Muslim communities in the country. This representation, however, shifts from time to time. Nowadays, Hollywood no longer completely depicts Muslim characters as totally the opposite of the Western world. 12 Strong (2018), for example, is one of the Afghan war movies that is celebrated for presenting a seemingly positive Muslim representation. This is depicted in how the Muslim characters unite with the American characters in the film to fight terrorism. This essay seeks to further examine how Muslims are represented in 12 Strong by using Edward Said’s Orientalism –framework. Findings in this article demonstrate that the film produces a polarization of “good” Muslims and “bad” Muslims in which one is juxtaposed with the other and with an exclusive focus on Muslim men.  Furthermore, the characterization of the “bad” Muslims is constructed from a combination of the perspectives of the American characters and the Muslim Afghan characters, while the characterization of “good” Muslims in the film is constructed from the Americans’ point of view. Thus, instead of providing a critical representation of Muslims in an Afghan context, this film reproduces polarized narratives similar to previous Hollywood movies that depict Islam."