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"ABSTRAKUntuk mewujudkan daya tangkal kewilayahan yang tangguh, diperlukan sinergitas yang baik dalam pemberdayaan wilayah pertahanan, terutama antara institusi sipil dan militer Pemerintah Daerah dan Kodim . Perbedaan pendapat yang terjadi karena adanya perbedaan persepsi mengenai fungsi Pemerintah Daerah dalam rangka penyiapan wilayah pertahanan sejak dini sesuai dengan UU RI Nomor 3 Tahun 2002 tentang Pertahanan Negara. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan metode kualitatif yang ditujukan untuk menganalisi sinergitas hubungan sipil-militer di Kabupaten Banyumas dalam konteks tugas pemberdayaan wilayah pertahanan yang belum dapat diwujudkan secara optimal, karena adanya perbedaan pemahaman tentang peran Pemda dalam pemberdayaan wilayah pertahanan.

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ABSTRACTTo realize the tough territory shallower power, good synergy is required in the empowerment defence area, especially between civilian and military institutions local government and military district area command . The differences of opinion occur due to the difference of perception according to role of local government in order to early empowerment defence area preparation in accordance with Number 3 Year 2002 Act about The Defence of The Country. This research uses qualitative method aimed the synergies analyzing in civil military relations Banyumas Local government and Banyumas District Military Command in order to empowerment of defence area. The research prove that synergies of civil military relations can not realize optimally in Banyumas district, due to understanding difference about the local government role in empowerment of defence area."

"Reformasi militer Indonesia telah mengakibatkan perubahan budaya, doktrin, struktural, dan organisasi. Perubahan tersebut belum mencapai sifat yang fundamental terhadap hubungan sipil-militer yang demokratis dimana hal ini sangat bergantung secara bersamaan pada "subordinasi masyarakat sipil untuk nilai-nilai militer” dan “subordinasi kontrol sipil atas militer". Kasus Indonesia dari reformasi militer tampaknya menunjukkan bahwa keberhasilan demokratisasi hubungan sipil-militer tergantung begitu banyak pada setup kelembagaan militer serta pada gigihnya bimbingan dan inisiatif dari institusi sipil. Beradaptasi dari Peter D. Feaver tentang teori "principal-agent", penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa masih ada koherensi yang kurang terpadu dari upaya antara lembaga-lembaga sipil (supra), sehingga dasar reformasi militer di Indonesia di bawah kontrol demokrasi masih bermasalah. Hal ini jelas bahwa, pertama, reformasi militer merupakan bagian yang tidak terpisahkan dari demokratisasi, dan kematangan demokrasi harus membuka jalan bagi reformasi di militer. Kenyataan bahwa militer tetap merupakan bagian yang tidak terpisahkan dari lingkaran supra sehingga hal ini menjadi bermasalah. Kedua, lingkaran sipil/ politik di dalam lingkaran supra tidak dapat membimbing, memberikan saran, dan memberikan orientasi kepada militer dalam kerangka tujuan nasional, termasuk alokasi sumber daya serta penggunaan kekuatan militer, sementara militer tetap menjadi otonom dalam beberapa area seperti doktrin, organisasi, disiplin internal, sifat, serta rencana operasional. Ketiga, lingkaran infra-partai politik, organisasi kemasyarakatan, organisasi non-pemerintah serta akademisi dan media-telah memainkan beberapa peran, meskipun terbatas, dalam menetapkan beberapa perubahan, tetapi mereka tetap tidak mampu menjaga momentum selama proses berlangsung. Keempat, pada tingkat implementasi, Departemen Pertahanan tampaknya memiliki kapasitas yang terbatas untuk melakukan kontrol mereka atas militer terutama di bidang anggaran militer, prioritas strategis, akuisisi senjata, pendidikan, dan doktrin. Supremasi sipil di Indonesia tampaknya telah mengandalkan "subordinasi sukarela" dari militer daripada akses sipil untuk melakukan kontrol yang efektif terhadap militer. Oleh karena itu, kebijakan instruktif dan dasar hukum keduanya diperlukan dan penting untuk menghasilkan subordinasi lengkap militer ke sipil.

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Indonesia’s military reform may have resulted in noted cultural, structural, doctrinal, and organizational changes. But such change has yet to be felt in the fundamental democratic civil-military relation that relies upon both “the subordination of civil society to military values and the subordination of civilian control of the military”. In the case of Indonesia, the military reform process appears to suggest that the success of democratizing civil-military relations depends as much on the institutional setup of the military as on the persistence, guidance and initiative of the civilian institutions. Adapting Peter D. Feaver’s “principal-agent” theory, this study shows that owing to the lack of coherence and concerted effort among civilian institutions (supra), the nature of military reforms under democratic control in Indonesia remains problematic. Nonetheless, four points are clear. First, military reforms are an inseparable part of democratization, and democratic maturity should open the way for a better reforms in the military. The very fact that the military remains an integral and inseparable part of the supra is problematic. Secondly, the civil/political circle within supra is unable to fully guide, advise and orient the military in the area of national objectives, including the allocation of resources, and the use of military forces so long as the military remains autonomous in such areas as doctrine, organization, internal discipline, traits and operational planning. Thirdly, the infra -- political parties, social organizations, non-governmental organizations as well as academia and the media -- have played some roles, limited nonetheless, in setting the tone of changes, but they remain unable to keep up momentum throughout the process. Fourthly, at the implementation level, the Defense Ministry appears to have limited capacity to exercise its control over the military, especially in the area of the military budget, strategic priorities, weapons acquisition, education and doctrine. Civilian supremacy in Indonesia appears to have relied on “voluntary subordination” of the military rather than on civilian access to exercise effective control over the military. Hence, instructive policy and legal basis are both necessary and essential to yield a complete subordination of the military to the civilian democratic society."

"Revolusi yang terjadi di Mesir tahun 2011 membawa gelombang demokratisasi di Mesir. Hal ini juga memberikan kesempatan bagi kelompok Ikhwanul Muslimin yang selama ini direpresi oleh pemerintah untuk tampil dalam politik melalui partainya Freedom and Justice Party (FJP). Melalui pemilu 2012, FJP mampu memperoleh suara hingga 45 persen dan kandidat presidennya Muhammad Mursi terpilih menjadi presiden dengan perolehan suara sebesar 51,7 persen. Namun sayangnya demokratisasi yang terjadi di Mesir hanya berlangsung sesaat. Pada tanggal 3 Juli 2013 militer melakukan kudeta terhadap Mursi. Kudeta yang terjadi di Mesir merupakan bentuk dari lemahnya kontrol sipil terhadap militer. Mursi gagal melakukan kontrol terhadap militer sehingga ia tidak bisa mencegah tindakan militer yang menurunkannya secara paksa melalui jalan kudeta. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui faktor-faktor apa yang mempengaruhi hubungan sipil militer di masa kepemimpinan Mursi dan bagaimana faktor-faktor tersebut menyebabkan lemahnya kontrol sipil terhadap militer sehingga menyebabkan terjadi kudeta militer. Penelitian ini menggunakan beberapa teori, diantaranya adalah teori hubungan sipil militer, teori tentara pretorian, teori kudeta dan teori kepentingan internasional. Dalam tesis ini penulis menguraikan mengenai faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi kegagalan kontrol sipil terhadap militer sehingga menimbulkan kudeta. Faktor-faktor tersebut adalah; 1) Tipikal militer Mesir yang merupakan tentara pretorian dan doktrin yang dianut militer. 2) Kepentingan dan intervensi negara-negara asing terhadap Mesir. 3) Fragmentasi kelompok sipil di Mesir yang bersifat fratricidal (saling menjatuhkan).

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The revolution that occurred in Egypt in 2011 brought a wave of democratization in Egypt. It also provided an opportunity for the Muslim Brotherhood, which had been repressed by the government, to perform in politics through its political wing, the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP). Through the 2012 elections, the FJP was able to acquire up to 45 percent voice and its presidential candidate, Mohammed Mursi was elected president by a vote of 51.7 percent.

But unfortunately democratization in Egypt only lasted a moment. On July 3, 2013 the military staged a coup against Mursi. The coup happened in Egypt was a form of weak civilian control over the military. Mursi failed to exercise control over the military so a military coup was inevitable, forcing him into detention.

This study aims to determine the factors that affect civil-military relations during Mursi‟s administration and how these factors lead to lack of civilian control over the military that led to a military coup. This study uses several theories, including the theory of civil-military relations, theory of praetorian army, coup theory and theory of international interest.

In this thesis, the author outlines the factors affecting the failure of civilian control over the military, giving rise to a coup. These factors are; 1) Egypt praetorian military and the doctrine it adopted. 2) The interest and intervention of foreign countries on Egypt. 3) Fragmentation of civil groups in Egypt who are fratricidal, each against other."

"[Skripsi ini menganalisis hubungan sipil - militer terkait peran militer dalam proses rekonstruksi dan rekonsiliasi di Provinsi Utara Sri Lanka pasca konflik antara pemerintah Sri Lanka dan LTTE. Untuk menjelaskan hal tersebut, skripsi ini menggunakan teori hubungan sipil - militer berdasarkan sintesa pemikiran Alfred Stepan, Samuel E. Finer, Michael C. Desch, dan Louis W. Goodman. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dan menerapkan teknik studi literatur. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan adanya hubungan sipil - militer dengan akomodasi sipil yang tidak seimbang di Provinsi Utara Sri Lanka dan merugikan masyarakat Tamil di Provinsi Utara.;This thesis analysis civil - military relations related to the role of military in the reconstruction and reconciliation process in Northern Province of Sri Lanka after a period of conflict between the central government and the LTTE. In order to provide a solid framework of analysis, thesis synthesizes basic conceptual arguments derived from the works of Alfred Stepan, Samuel E. Finer, Michael C. Desch, and Louis W. Goodman. This is a qualitative research which applies an literature study. The research shows that the Sri Lankan military involvement in the post-conflict reconstruction and reconciliation process has caused an unbalanced civil - military relations in the Sri Lanka?s Northern Province and threaten the Tamil community in the region.;This thesis analysis civil - military relations related to the role of military in the reconstruction and reconciliation process in Northern Province of Sri Lanka after a period of conflict between the central government and the LTTE. In order to provide a solid framework of analysis, thesis synthesizes basic conceptual arguments derived from the works of Alfred Stepan, Samuel E. Finer, Michael C. Desch, and Louis W. Goodman. This is a qualitative research which applies an literature study. The research shows that the Sri Lankan military involvement in the post-conflict reconstruction and reconciliation process has caused an unbalanced civil - military relations in the Sri Lanka?s Northern Province and threaten the Tamil community in the region.;;This thesis analysis civil - military relations related to the role of military in the reconstruction and reconciliation process in Northern Province of Sri Lanka after a period of conflict between the central government and the LTTE. In order to provide a solid framework of analysis, thesis synthesizes basic conceptual arguments derived from the works of Alfred Stepan, Samuel E. Finer, Michael C. Desch, and Louis W. Goodman. This is a qualitative research which applies an literature study. The research shows that the Sri Lankan military involvement in the post-conflict reconstruction and reconciliation process has caused an unbalanced civil - military relations in the Sri Lanka?s Northern Province and threaten the Tamil community in the region.;This thesis analysis civil - military relations related to the role of military in the reconstruction and reconciliation process in Northern Province of Sri Lanka after a period of conflict between the central government and the LTTE. In order to provide a solid framework of analysis, thesis synthesizes basic conceptual arguments derived from the works of Alfred Stepan, Samuel E. Finer, Michael C. Desch, and Louis W. Goodman. This is a qualitative research which applies an literature study. The research shows that the Sri Lankan military involvement in the post-conflict reconstruction and reconciliation process has caused an unbalanced civil - military relations in the Sri Lanka?s Northern Province and threaten the Tamil community in the region., This thesis analysis civil - military relations related to the role of military in the reconstruction and reconciliation process in Northern Province of Sri Lanka after a period of conflict between the central government and the LTTE. In order to provide a solid framework of analysis, thesis synthesizes basic conceptual arguments derived from the works of Alfred Stepan, Samuel E. Finer, Michael C. Desch, and Louis W. Goodman. This is a qualitative research which applies an literature study. The research shows that the Sri Lankan military involvement in the post-conflict reconstruction and reconciliation process has caused an unbalanced civil - military relations in the Sri Lanka’s Northern Province and threaten the Tamil community in the region.]"

"Era reformasi yang menggema di tahun 1998 telah menyentuh seluruh aspek kehidupan bangsa. Segala aspek dituntut untuk berubah sebagai cara untuk meninggalkan warisan tradisi Orde Baru. Militer sebagai lembaga yang mendukung kekuasaan rezim, tak luput dari tuntutan perubahan. Wacana sipil-militer pun menjadi pembicaraan menarik, karena militer turut berperan aktif dalam warisan tradisi Orde Baru, khususnya dalam wilayah politik.Oleh karena itu, fokus perhatian tertuju pada peran politik militer. Sejak masa kepemimpinan Orde Lama, peran politik militer telah berlangsung. Di masa Orde Baru, peran tersebut semakin meningkat, bahkan militer turut mendukung tatanan pemerintahan selama lebih dari 30 tahun. Bersama dengan Golkar dan Birokrasi, Soeharto berhasil mengorganisir militer sebagai kekuatan politik yang turut menjamin stabilitas kekuasaan di bawah kepemimpinanya.Dalam meneliti peran politik militer ini, teori yang dipakai adalah teori relasi sipil-militer, peran politik militer, dan teori konsolidasi demokrasi. Ketiga teori ini dianggap mampu menggambarkan praktik poiitik militer di masa Orde Lama, Orde Baru dan pergeserannya di masa pasca Orde Baru. Metode yang dipakai dalam penulisan tesis ini adalah metode kualitatif, dengan memakai pendekatan kepustakaan (library research). Sumber-sumber data diperoleh dengan mengkaji buku-buku yang terkait dengan objek penelitian sorta melakukan wawancara dengan berbagai pihak yang terlibat langsung dalam pengambilan kebijakan-kebijakan yang terkait dengan objek penelitian.Berdasarkan temuan penelitian, era pasca Orde Baru menunjukkan kecenderungan menguatnya profesionalisrne militer. Militer terfokus pada fungsi pertahanan sebagai tugas utamanya. Civil society menjadi pilar utama, menggantikan dominasi militer. Lewat kebijakan sipil di DPR, kepentingan militer juga memperoleh perhatian utama, khususnya upaya untuk meningkatkan anggaran kesejahteraan dan belanja militer. Dengan demikian, peran politik militer di Indonesia pasca Orde Baru semakin menurun, seiring reformasi internal di tubuh militer sendiri. Kondisi ini sejalan dengan upaya konsolidasi demokrasi yang sedang berlangsung di Indonesia.

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Reformation era launched year 1998 has touched entire aspect of life nation. All aspect claimed to change as mode to leave heritage of New Order tradition. Military as institute support regime power don?t miss from change demand. Discourse of civil-military even also becomes interesting discussion because military partake the active sharing in heritage of New Order tradition, especially in political region.

Therefore, the focus attention concentrated to the political role of military. Since a period of Old Order leadership, political role of military has taken place. In period of New Order, the role progressively mount, even the military partake to support system of govemance during more than 30 years. Along with Golkar and Bureaucracy, Soeharto succeed to organize military as strength of politics which partake to guarantee stability of power under his leadership.

In study of political role of military, the theory which used is civil-military relationship theory, political role of military, and the consolidation of democracy theory. Those three theories are assumed able to depict political practice of military in a period of Old Order, New Order and its friction in a period of post New Order. Method that used in this thesis is qualitative method, with is bibliographical approach (library research). Data resources obtained by studying relevant books with research object and also conducting interview with various parties that concerned directly in policy intake with research object.

Pursuant to research Ending, post New Order era shows tendency of strengthen of military professionalism. Military focused at defender function as its main duty. Civil Society becomes especial pillar, replacing military domination. Through civil policy Indonesia House of Representative (DPR), military interest also gets especial attention, especially attempt to increase the military expense and prosperity budget. Thereby, political role of military in Indonesia downhill post New Order progressively, along the internal reform inside military. This condition is in parallel with effort of democracy consolidation which is underway in Indonesia."