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"The ethnic conflict in Ambon and Sambas are the result of the same casual factors. The ambivalent and unfair treatment by the armed forces and the police, and the absence of law enforcement, were factors that led to the emergence of these conflicts. Numerous crimes and violent actions (by gangster and preman) Took place. The local people - the Dayak and Malay community of Sambas, and the Ambon communities (both, Moslem and Christian, and also the Bugis, Buton, and Makassar) - took harsh measures without regard for the law. They did so since they could no longer trust the law, the armed forces and the police... [...] in the last part of this article, the author proposes three steps for the solution to the conflicts in both places: the shorts medium, and long term solutions."

"This article explores the roots of riots that have occurred in several cities and places in Indonesia, the author assumes that the accumulative and chronic social - economic gap shrouded by the ethnic and religious factors, underlined the occurrence of riots in the early Indonesian reformation era (May 1995). The differences in gaining access to economic resources, as well as the discriminative policies of the New Order Regime, created a social-economic gap between the ethnic groups in Indonesia. While some groups had privileges and easy access to economic resources, other did not. As a consequence, some groups were subject to oppression and marginalized. The potential for conflict increased structurally as marginal groups used ethnicity and religious attributes in framing the social-economic gap between them and the advantage groups. From the functionalist viewpoints, ethnicity can be seen as an easy way to heighten solidarity among people. The riots could be legitimated by using cared religious symbols. The author argues that the conflict among ethnic groups increased as a 'cultural protest' to the government's discriminative policy. The conflict does not represent the people's desire to return to their 'tribal' culture"

"The ethnic conflict in Indonesia is a sign of huge problems facing Jakarta and local areas Indonesia, therefore the explanation for its occurrence cannot be produced without examining the central-periphery relations, which involve structural problems in constructing and maintaining power. Ethnicity, for instance, has become political commodity, which is constructed by central powers and made manifest through the concept of SARA (ethnicity, religion, race and inter-group relations). Thus, government tends to find and explain the root of ethnic conflict in ethnic cultural differences itself, whereby differences of ideology and life practices are viewed as the source of conflict. This article attempts to examine ethnic conflict by analyzing three main factors, which are first, the change in the balance of ethnic relations. Second, the imposition of a uniform politics in pluralistic society. Third, a weakening of traditional relationship and the credibility of local elites as a result of government intervention. Based on these three factors, this article concludes that ethnic conflicts are not only matters of ethnic cultural differences, but also are rooted much deeper in systematic mistakes in managing these differences and the conflicts itself ,where culture has been used for government's political interests."

"The Ambonese is a community that underwent changes from time to time as a result of the influence of religion, government's policies and global culture. The changes have further implications. A considerable 'in group' solidarity of village as totality (supported by villagers and their special rights, excluding the newcomers) became segregated because of religion. Religion has taken over the traditional rites. The village as an entity of traditional laws based upon genealogy has undergone changes into a public village. The village has become multi profiled with its activities based on needs, e.g. the ceremonial needs for the benefits of traditions. Traditional institutions that strengthened social relations between villages have weakened as a result of the government's policies, and so is the traditional institutions that fulfill the needs of the traditional community."

"The May riot of 1998 has brought the so-called Chinese problem to the forefront. Various comments on the problem are mostly based on memories of the past, of the Dutch colonial segregation policy, and the common perception of the present conflict. The latter refers to the social economic gap between the Indonesian Chinese and the indigenous Indonesians. However, none of these comments address to the core of the problem related to the ethnicity and nationalism. The problem emerged when ethnicity and nationalism were in conflict. This conflict began with the establishment of the modern (Indonesian) nation-state. Since the beginning, the basis for discrimination between the indigenous and non indigenous has legally been set up by the 1945 constitution (article no.26). This discrimination was strengthened by the new order's policy that assimilation in the sole route to solving the so-called Chinese problem. This policy has produced wider social cultural, economic, and political gaps between the Indonesian Chinese and the indigenous Indonesian. The situation has developed in such a way that to solve the problem a careful examination using a multidisciplinary approach that pays attention to spatial and temporal variation in necessary."

"Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji dampak otonomi daerah terhadap identitas lokal. Sebagaimana terlihat dari kasus Sampit di Kalimantan Tengah, otonomi daerah terkait dengan munculnya identitas putra daerah. Kasus yang dibahas dalam tulisan ini berkaitan dengan pembentukan Provinsi Bangka-Belitung (Babel) yang mengakibatkan munculnya identitas putra daerah di kalangan orang Melayu di Bangka-Belitung. Dalam tulisan ini, saya menganalisis sejauhmana lembaga hukum adat dapat menyajikan solusi untuk mengatasi konflik etnis yang sedang terjadi di Bangka Belitung"

"Konflik-konflik berdarah yang menyertai Indonesia setelah jatuhnya Orde Baru cenderung terjadi di Indonesia bagian Timur, dengan pengecualian daerah Aceh. Saat ini banyak analisis akademis, baik dalam bahasa Indonesia maupun Inggris yang telah mulai menguraikan aspek-aspek politis, sosial dan diskursif dari konflik-konflik di Timor Timur, Maluku, Maluku Utara, Poso, Kalimantan dan Papua. Penelitian-penelitian ini telah mulai meninggalkan penelaahan-penelaahan yang terlalu sederhana dan kerap sarat bias yang muncul segera setelah terjadinya konflik. Penelitian-penelitian tersebut mulai memberikan gambaran tentang konteks etnografis yang lengkap dan lebih rumit dari 'perang di Indonesia bagian Timur'. Gambaran ini memperlihatkan tercampur baurnya provokasi politik, ketegangan ekonomi, provokasi diskursif, dan adaptasi buletin lokal terhadap bentuk-bentuk identifikasi berdasarkan agama suku bangsa yang memberikan dorongan dan motif berbeda untuk ikut serta dalam setiap kerusuhan individual yang bergejolak di berbagai wilayah Indonesia Timur setelah tahun 1999. Walaupun setiap bentrokan/pertikaian (bahkan dalam satu wilayah konflik seperti Maluku atau Poso) seringkali bersifat unik secara politis dan pengalaman, mereka saling mempengaruhi satu sama lain. Setiap kerusuhan memupuk berkembangnya perasaan paranoia nasional yang disebarluaskan oleh media. Dalam prosesnya,setiap pertikaian/bentrokan menaburkan bibit-bibit kekerasan di tempat lainnya."

"In a traditionally Central Moluccan communities spread over the islands of Ambon, Haruka, Saparua, Nusalaut and in particular, Ceram, any conflict between two individuals of different denomination, or between two villages of different creeds, is usually settled in very short time. Conflicts do not spur intervillage riots as the Central Moluccan islanders have a strong commitment to their Pela and Gandong alliances and principles. However, the significance alliance systems had been undermined by the influx of migrants who have settled in the residential areas. The migrants have been totally excluded from the traditional pela system. With the decline influence of the traditional mechanism of authority, the outbreak of communal violence between the sa'lam (Moslem) and thesarane (Christian) inhabitants became unavoidable. The traditional laws have been ineffective as a problems-solving mechanism. The author maintains that it is high time to seriously consider the need to revive and maintain the alliance systems, and to adjust then to the present and future circumstances."

"In this article the author looks into social conflict and alternative solutions to the problem. He begins by discussing the merits of a conflict model in viewing society, as expounded by Dahrendorf, Bailey and others. The author argues that, in contrast, the New Order Regime of Indonesia followed a model of equilibrium, characteristic of most pseudo-democratic or authoritarian states. With an emphasis on gotong royong. uniformity, balance and harmony, any move toward individuality or anti-stability was seen as having no function in the maintenance of the system. Holding to this latter model, any view deviating from official policy was removed. Different views could only be expressed by those with power, who were in fact those in power. By setting the rules of the game, their own views were never seen as a form of deviation. This led to the emergence of conflict between various groups, whereby some were stripped of their identities, dignity and/or material resources in the interest of the state or more powerful groups. Conflicts between ethnic groups present a special problem, because any attack on the group is seen as an attack on the individual, and vice versa. The author suggests that with a conflict model, differences are a given, and conflicts give rise to competition where there exist rules for competition that are fair and well-enforced. These rules must be enforced by an impartial police. However, the incorporation of the police into the Indonesian military for the past 32 years has placed emphasis on the use of military tactics for resolving conflict. In fact, one solution to the problem of conflict is the presence of one institution or organization that can be trusted and depended upon by all parties involved; and this should be the police."