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"This paper points out that the state defense doctrine based on the military historical experience which is dominated by the Hobbesian paradigm is one of the roots of military violence in Indonesia. The ius ad bellum doctrine principle is not applied in the Indonesian state defense doctrine. Although the application of the ius ad bellum doctrine created a chance to develop a state defense strategy that considers morality as an important aspect, there is nevertheless no military actor in Indonesia paying attention to this matter. Consequently, there is a high tendency to use war instruments immorally. This reality is categorized as military violence. Undoubtedly, military violence can lead to a rise in human rights violations. The author argues that military violence in Indonesia can be minimized by developing a state defense strategy which 1) considers morality as an important aspect; 2) gives priority to exploring all conflict resolution alternatives before using military instruments; and 3) civil society is no longer included in the application of the Indonesian defense strategy."

"This article examines the social and cultural roots of gender-based violence in Indonesia. The emphasis is on social relations, particularly ethnic group relations, and on cultural practices-especially those within the family that endanger women. The author argues that there is a process which begins with labeling, followed by state-sanctioned discrimination, and that culminates in the creation of situations prone to violence. The author provides examples from various regions in Indonesia as well as from different periods in Indonesian history. She further argues that the process can be stopped with a more positive attitude towards the diversity of Indonesian society, which must be brought about by education in the home and in schools, and by legal reforms."

"Konflik-konflik berdarah yang menyertai Indonesia setelah jatuhnya Orde Baru cenderung terjadi di Indonesia bagian Timur, dengan pengecualian daerah Aceh. Saat ini banyak analisis akademis, baik dalam bahasa Indonesia maupun Inggris yang telah mulai menguraikan aspek-aspek politis, sosial dan diskursif dari konflik-konflik di Timor Timur, Maluku, Maluku Utara, Poso, Kalimantan dan Papua. Penelitian-penelitian ini telah mulai meninggalkan penelaahan-penelaahan yang terlalu sederhana dan kerap sarat bias yang muncul segera setelah terjadinya konflik. Penelitian-penelitian tersebut mulai memberikan gambaran tentang konteks etnografis yang lengkap dan lebih rumit dari 'perang di Indonesia bagian Timur'. Gambaran ini memperlihatkan tercampur baurnya provokasi politik, ketegangan ekonomi, provokasi diskursif, dan adaptasi buletin lokal terhadap bentuk-bentuk identifikasi berdasarkan agama suku bangsa yang memberikan dorongan dan motif berbeda untuk ikut serta dalam setiap kerusuhan individual yang bergejolak di berbagai wilayah Indonesia Timur setelah tahun 1999. Walaupun setiap bentrokan/pertikaian (bahkan dalam satu wilayah konflik seperti Maluku atau Poso) seringkali bersifat unik secara politis dan pengalaman, mereka saling mempengaruhi satu sama lain. Setiap kerusuhan memupuk berkembangnya perasaan paranoia nasional yang disebarluaskan oleh media. Dalam prosesnya,setiap pertikaian/bentrokan menaburkan bibit-bibit kekerasan di tempat lainnya."

"Protection issues of children's rights in Indonesia has not received sufficient attention. Law4 of 1979 concerning child welfare, and No. 23 of 2002 on the protection of children. Children'srights, such as the right to life, the right to protection from the threats to her own safety, the right to equality in education, employment, health, the right to employment, the right to meet the needs of food, clothing and shelter. Quantitatively, the number of street children in the city of Padang in the last ten years has increased. This research provides in-depth information about the various forms of violence experienced by street children in the city of Padang. This study was conducted in five point activity gathering place and street children in the city of Padang.The study found that violence to street children and some factors which it caused the violence.Demoralization among street children is a reaction to a situation that is very limited and therigors of life on the streets. It is difficult to make strict limits on the morality of the group of street children. All forms of violence experienced by children and street, is a phenomenological reality for street children and a variety of social interactions that occur among street children in it loaded with a cargo of reciprocity, and can be seen as a form of social safety networks."

"Violent tragedy in Bali has a long history. Violence during the Dutch colonial regime, until the 1965 massacre of local political violence under the "Orde Baru" occurred. Post-Reform of 1998, the tragedy of violence re-emerged in tandem with the strengthening of indigenous authority (Pakraman Village) that forced silence during the centralized authoritarian "Orde Baru" regime. Pakraman village go hand in hand with the spirit of strengthening the cultural movement (Ajeg Bali) post Bali bombings of 2002 and 2005. Within institutions of Pakraman Village, there lies pecalangan, a traditional indigenous security forces who participates in the business of security and control of new settlers in these territories. In political violence contestation and strengthening of the culture, the local-hero who has a long history of political violence in Bali plays their vital role through the mass organizations and also joined as pecalangan. This paper tried to describe the relationship between political history of violence in Bali and the pursuit of the local-hero in it."

"Pengertian carok paling tidak harus mengandung lima unsur, yaitu tindakan atau upaya pembunuhan antarlaki-laki, pelecehan harga diri terutama berkaitan dengan kehormatan perempuan (istri), perasaan malu (malo), adanya dorongan, dukungan, persetujuan sosial disertai perasaan puas, dan perasaan bangga bagi pemenangnya (hlm. 184-185). Menurut hemat saya, carok sebagai media kultural untuk menunjukkan kejantanan dengan kekerasan fisik menjadi tidak jelas jika dihubungkan dengan nyelep (menyerang musuh dari belakang atau sampingketika musuh sedang lengah). Carok sebagai pembelaan terhadap harga diri yang terlecehkan menjadi 'tuna makna' kalau hanya dihubungkan dengan kehormatan perempuan. Carok bukan hanya penegakan kehormatan yang berhubungan dengan penghinaan terhadap istri, melainkan juga berhubungan dengan gangguan terhadap mantan istri yang telah dicerai, air, rumput, dan pelecehan agama. Carok dipandang oleh sebagian pelakunya sebagai suatu alat untuk memperoleh kekuasaan."

"In this article, the author addresses the problem of violence towards women, with a focus on the violence in ethnic conflict and armed conflict. She takes the view that any legal system should be seen as having three components, i.e., legal substance, legal structure and legal culture, and that none of these components protect women from acts of violence. Citing articles from the criminal code, the authors show how the laws cannot protect women who are victims of violence and how some articles of the code in fact perpetuate injustice toward women. Following this, she shows how law enforcement officers who constitute the legal structure lack any gender awareness in their handling of cases. Finally, the attitudes and beliefs toward the law is the legal culture encourages the view that women are the property of men, especially in times of armed conflict. "

"Since the 'beginning' of modern Indonesian literature in the early twentieth century, Indonesian writers have engaged with the project of defining Indonesian identity. Most serious writers engaged both with the mission of creating a new literature and with the project of interrogating and investigating issues of national identity. It is a mission which continues to inform Indonesian literature in the twenty first century. Literature written by peranakan Chinese flourished at the end of the nineteenth century and the early twentieth century. But because the first language of these peranakan writers was low or 'market' Malay, much of it received scant attention from Indonesian critics, who reserved their praise for writing in the court-derived high Malay favored by the recognized publishing houses. Peranakan literature reached its zenith in the 1920s and 1930s-whichwas also a time of heightened Chinese nationalism in Java. Thanks to the meticulous work of two scholars in particular-Claudine Salmon and Leo Suryadinata-much of this early writing has now been documented and critically analyzed. However, Salmon and Suryadinata's commentary effectively ends at 1965. Chinese-Indonesians who did continue to write during the New Order on the whole projected themselves and were constructed by others as 'Indonesian'. They thus assimilated as writers as they did as citizens, and their ethnicity never featured as part of their work. The category 'Chinese-Indonesian literature' for all intents and purposes ceased to exist. It was subjected to the same process of erasure as Chinese ethnicity. Since the fall of Soeharto Chinese-Indonesian writers have begun to write as Chinese-Indonesians, some using their Chinese names, some writing in Mandarin. This paper begins to fill a significant gap in documenting the ways in which recent literary works by Chinese-Indonesians give expression to their understanding of themselves and their place in the Indonesian nation-state."

"This article explores the roots of riots that have occurred in several cities and places in Indonesia, the author assumes that the accumulative and chronic social - economic gap shrouded by the ethnic and religious factors, underlined the occurrence of riots in the early Indonesian reformation era (May 1995). The differences in gaining access to economic resources, as well as the discriminative policies of the New Order Regime, created a social-economic gap between the ethnic groups in Indonesia. While some groups had privileges and easy access to economic resources, other did not. As a consequence, some groups were subject to oppression and marginalized. The potential for conflict increased structurally as marginal groups used ethnicity and religious attributes in framing the social-economic gap between them and the advantage groups. From the functionalist viewpoints, ethnicity can be seen as an easy way to heighten solidarity among people. The riots could be legitimated by using cared religious symbols. The author argues that the conflict among ethnic groups increased as a 'cultural protest' to the government's discriminative policy. The conflict does not represent the people's desire to return to their 'tribal' culture"

"This paper was written against a background of interest to trace the formation of sociological ways of thinking that tend to legitimize power in Indonesia. During the preparation, I found problems in the perspective commonly used in researching the formation process of knowledge; knowledge is considered a form of power. Such approach is problematic because it denies subjectivity ? which includes cognitive activity and experiences that are owned only by the existence of the related ? absolute in the process of both producing and reproducing knowledge. Yet this criticism isn?t easy to elaborate because the question is, how do we insert subjectivity when the origins of sociological thinking that we?re talking about is an effort to continue in a non-reflective way of sociology in the U.S. in the Cold War era, who?s way of thinking MENATURALISASI the existing social order and its ideology. Finally, I placed Selo Soemardjan ? a figure that became the center of this analysis because of his irreplaceable role in institutionalizing sociological ways of thinking (U.S.) in Indonesia ? as a translator. Quoting Bruno Latour?s view (1987), only with exploring the process of dissemination of knowledge as an activity of translation can we find energy that has been invisible all this time in a variety of knowledge analysises. For me, this concept helps reveal subjectivity that has been buried by views that place actors as passive mediums in the forming or spreading of knowledge that is more true or beneficial in preserving structure."