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"Pengertian carok paling tidak harus mengandung lima unsur, yaitu tindakan atau upaya pembunuhan antarlaki-laki, pelecehan harga diri terutama berkaitan dengan kehormatan perempuan (istri), perasaan malu (malo), adanya dorongan, dukungan, persetujuan sosial disertai perasaan puas, dan perasaan bangga bagi pemenangnya (hlm. 184-185). Menurut hemat saya, carok sebagai media kultural untuk menunjukkan kejantanan dengan kekerasan fisik menjadi tidak jelas jika dihubungkan dengan nyelep (menyerang musuh dari belakang atau sampingketika musuh sedang lengah). Carok sebagai pembelaan terhadap harga diri yang terlecehkan menjadi 'tuna makna' kalau hanya dihubungkan dengan kehormatan perempuan. Carok bukan hanya penegakan kehormatan yang berhubungan dengan penghinaan terhadap istri, melainkan juga berhubungan dengan gangguan terhadap mantan istri yang telah dicerai, air, rumput, dan pelecehan agama. Carok dipandang oleh sebagian pelakunya sebagai suatu alat untuk memperoleh kekuasaan."

"This article describes social resistance in Tapal Kuda community against The People Consultative Assembly (Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat) who deposed President Wahid (Gus Dur) in 2001. Their resistance resulted in loss of human life as well as the destruction of religious buildings, educational institutions, and other public facilities, which are believed to have historical connections to their opponents, i.e. Muhammadiyah or its leader, Amien Rais. The Tapal Kuda community shares typical cultural characteristics such as Maduranese, Muslim, ?remain traditional?, based on Ulama, and made their kiai (religious leader) as the highest role-model. Additionally, they have developed network of religious boarding schools of Tarekat Naqsyabandiah wal Qadiriah and classifying them into hierarchy of ?core schools? (pesantren induk) and their sub-levels.The resistance shows symbolic manipulations made up by local elite leaders for fabricating profane symbols into a sacred ones in a way that unmistakebly drawing political dimension into intra-religious conflicts. The tension appeared in how they define themselves as minna (saya, as self) and minkum (kamu, the others). This definition had became a moral basis that justified their act in destroying the opponents as the others. It is important to see how value of Islamic solidarity within traditional muslim community in Madura tends to get firmer while paradoxically the wholeness of Muslim brotherhood is under threat."

"The Ambonese is a community that underwent changes from time to time as a result of the influence of religion, government's policies and global culture. The changes have further implications. A considerable 'in group' solidarity of village as totality (supported by villagers and their special rights, excluding the newcomers) became segregated because of religion. Religion has taken over the traditional rites. The village as an entity of traditional laws based upon genealogy has undergone changes into a public village. The village has become multi profiled with its activities based on needs, e.g. the ceremonial needs for the benefits of traditions. Traditional institutions that strengthened social relations between villages have weakened as a result of the government's policies, and so is the traditional institutions that fulfill the needs of the traditional community."

"In this article, the author argues for the inappropriateness of the government's policy and approach in its efforts to 'develop' the indigenous people who have been categorized as 'masyarakat terasing'. Through his analysis on the program of Pembinaan Kesejahteraan Masyarakat Terasing (PKMT), the author assumes that the program has failed. He examines the failure by looking closely at the livelihood of Orang Laut in Indragiri Hilir, the fishermen, who used to live collectively along the seashore and spend most of their time in boats. They refused to stay in the resettlement village which was provided by the government who did not base its program on the social-cultural-economic reality."

"This article examines the social and cultural roots of gender-based violence in Indonesia. The emphasis is on social relations, particularly ethnic group relations, and on cultural practices-especially those within the family that endanger women. The author argues that there is a process which begins with labeling, followed by state-sanctioned discrimination, and that culminates in the creation of situations prone to violence. The author provides examples from various regions in Indonesia as well as from different periods in Indonesian history. She further argues that the process can be stopped with a more positive attitude towards the diversity of Indonesian society, which must be brought about by education in the home and in schools, and by legal reforms."

"In this article, the author describes the history of changes among the Kamoro in Mimika. Some of the changes-due to changes in their physical, social, and cultural environment-were unexpected and surprising, so that they were not ready to cope with. Consequently, there were two prominent implications in their life: the increase of consumerism behavior, and the occurrence of more frequent conflicts among themselves. In the final part, the author examines the Kamoro relationship with outsiders, of how they categorize the latter, and with whom they used to generate conflicts. Recently, conflicts mainly occur on the problems of land dispute with outsiders, and in the competition to get the 'one million-dollars' funds from PT Freeport."

"This article discusses the cultural history sketch of Orang Suku Laut (the Sea Tribe) and its implications for social relations patterns with the Malays in Riau Islands, Indonesia. Problems arise now in nomadic ethnic tribe when they interacting with the Malays. Many Malays people perceive Orang Suku Laut as a backward or primitive people. This point of view emerged from a long history of Orang Suku Laut in Riau Islands, and at present, the discourse is supported by the government which resettled them from the sea to the land as part of the modernization of disadvantaged areas in the New Order era. This government label to them was later influenced the Malays perception. Moreover, negative assumption also appears along with the cultural identity differences between both of the tribes, of which the Malays condense with Islamic tradition, while Orang Suku Laut doesn?t. At this situation, thus the identity of Orang Suku Laut is staked within socio-cultural dispute or contestation (the attraction process) among themselves in practicing their everyday lives."

"This paper is an autoethnographic exploration which would like to show that culture is always in the process of constructing those that are present in various track events. Through the exposure of various stages of life and moments of encounters with Others, the author wants to confirm his argument on how culture is an arena of discourses that is continually constructed, in which also involves power relations between Self and Others. Using Abu Lughod?s approach and several contributions from philosophical thinking, the author would like to state that the theoretical journey and life trajectory is a continuity which shows the fundamental argument, that culture is an arena of contestation that is based on power relations between the self and the Other."

"Buton manuscripts indicated that Buton Kingdom appeared in 14th Century. In the periods of the 17 th, 18th, and 19th centuries, Buton Kingdom initiated to be the free kingdom. In the begining of 20th , dutch colonial goverment incorporated that the Buton kingdom and placed it under their rule. The principles were laid down based on the social cultural in eceonomic development. Relation to be governed especially are in the field of education, health, and economy. In 1960, Buton kingdom was dissolved following the death of Sultan Laode Muhammad Falihi as the last sultan. During the kingdom era, Buton social system consisted of three groups namelly kaomu, walaka, and papara. The system was established as power of ideology in Buton social political system in the era of goverment the fourth Sultan Dayanu Ikhsanuddin in 1578-1615. The Katobengke people as the subject and object of this paper belong to papara group. In the era of Buton Kingdom, the society was dominated by kaomu and walaka groups. This condition existed until the new order era, where in this period the dominant groups still have cultural and stereotype views toward this people as ini the era Buton kingdom. This paper focuses on the phenomena of power in the dynamic Buton?s social structure. In the Buton social structure, kaomu and walaka groups claimed them selves as the groups who have higher civilization in comparation with the Katobengke people, until today."