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"Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji dampak otonomi daerah terhadap identitas lokal. Sebagaimana terlihat dari kasus Sampit di Kalimantan Tengah, otonomi daerah terkait dengan munculnya identitas putra daerah. Kasus yang dibahas dalam tulisan ini berkaitan dengan pembentukan Provinsi Bangka-Belitung (Babel) yang mengakibatkan munculnya identitas putra daerah di kalangan orang Melayu di Bangka-Belitung. Dalam tulisan ini, saya menganalisis sejauhmana lembaga hukum adat dapat menyajikan solusi untuk mengatasi konflik etnis yang sedang terjadi di Bangka Belitung"

"Talking about tradition, it is kind of imagination of kinship in the past in an idealism positions in an orderly and harmonious level. Everyone respect each other and take position in the clan and their class respectively. The aims of this paper is to find out information about the institutions traditional role in the District Marawola to the conflict in the community. The research start with a literature study then continued with observation and interviews. This paper apply govern mentality theory that triggered by Michael Foucault. The results that found in this research that the traditional institutions began to lose its role, some of which are caused by the gap between the old and the young in the communities itself. Traditional institutions also lose their social legitimacy that seen from the shrinking role of traditional institutions, where traditional institutions only deal with traditional healing rituals, clearing land and harvesting rituals. Rules of traditional institutions such as law regulatory with sanctions are applied only in the form of oral speech in memory of the past in the absence of compliance with customary rules itself."

"The ethnic conflict in Indonesia is a sign of huge problems facing Jakarta and local areas Indonesia, therefore the explanation for its occurrence cannot be produced without examining the central-periphery relations, which involve structural problems in constructing and maintaining power. Ethnicity, for instance, has become political commodity, which is constructed by central powers and made manifest through the concept of SARA (ethnicity, religion, race and inter-group relations). Thus, government tends to find and explain the root of ethnic conflict in ethnic cultural differences itself, whereby differences of ideology and life practices are viewed as the source of conflict. This article attempts to examine ethnic conflict by analyzing three main factors, which are first, the change in the balance of ethnic relations. Second, the imposition of a uniform politics in pluralistic society. Third, a weakening of traditional relationship and the credibility of local elites as a result of government intervention. Based on these three factors, this article concludes that ethnic conflicts are not only matters of ethnic cultural differences, but also are rooted much deeper in systematic mistakes in managing these differences and the conflicts itself ,where culture has been used for government's political interests."

"During the new order era local adat was subjected to a process of cultural erosion due to the priorities accorded national integrations, as well as economic, social and development by the Indonesian government. However, the '90s have witnessed a resurgence of concern with adat as a vehicle for the local peoples' identity and as a mechanism for local government and dispute resolution, trends intensified since the beginning of the reformasi era with its relegitimation of discourse of regional autonomy. This essay presents a case study of these processes among Lindu people of Central Sulawesi, focusing upon how they have managed to reinvigorate their adat as a response to two forms of governmental imposition: 1) the encompassment of their land within a national park (i.e. Taman National Lore Lindu); and 2) the plan to construct a hydroelectric project, which would have forced the loss of land to rising water level and resettlement of the local population. The Lindu people have sought there empowerment of their adat by recasting it as a community resource management system that they argue can lead to greater sustainability of local natural resource than any imposed regimen of national park regulations. With assistance of NGOs such as Yayasan Tanah Merdeka, they have also adopted the discourse of 'indigenous people' to defend their continuing right of inhabitation in their homeland in the face of threatened resettlement. This essay explores the cultural politics of masyarakat adat as 'indigenous people' and the invocation of ecologically sound 'indigenous wisdom' as a warrant for resistance to development programs."

"There are a set of questions that needs to be answered in relation to the Mataram tragedy which has been known as the 'Tragedy One Seven One' (Tragedy Satu Tujuh Satu). One of the question is: if the tragedy has the basis of religious conflict, why did the conflict occur only between the Moslems and the Christians, and not between the Moslems and the Hindus which has a greater number of followers than the Christians? By looking at the main target of the tragedy, the churches, not the individuals, as well as its short duration, a cultural analysis is the most probable way to find relevant answers. The author argues that the Mataram tragedy was not staying apart from the development of an increasing number of churches. The building of Christian churches, their quantity, quality, and geographical distribution was seen as the emergence of the new opposed culture. The latter was perceived as threatening the culture of 'Thousand Mosques', the native ethnic identity, and the majority of the people of Pulau Lombok. In this article, the author examines the culture of 'Thousand Mosques', its relation to the Mataram tragedy."

"The May riot of 1998 has brought the so-called Chinese problem to the forefront. Various comments on the problem are mostly based on memories of the past, of the Dutch colonial segregation policy, and the common perception of the present conflict. The latter refers to the social economic gap between the Indonesian Chinese and the indigenous Indonesians. However, none of these comments address to the core of the problem related to the ethnicity and nationalism. The problem emerged when ethnicity and nationalism were in conflict. This conflict began with the establishment of the modern (Indonesian) nation-state. Since the beginning, the basis for discrimination between the indigenous and non indigenous has legally been set up by the 1945 constitution (article no.26). This discrimination was strengthened by the new order's policy that assimilation in the sole route to solving the so-called Chinese problem. This policy has produced wider social cultural, economic, and political gaps between the Indonesian Chinese and the indigenous Indonesian. The situation has developed in such a way that to solve the problem a careful examination using a multidisciplinary approach that pays attention to spatial and temporal variation in necessary."

"This article explores the roots of riots that have occurred in several cities and places in Indonesia, the author assumes that the accumulative and chronic social - economic gap shrouded by the ethnic and religious factors, underlined the occurrence of riots in the early Indonesian reformation era (May 1995). The differences in gaining access to economic resources, as well as the discriminative policies of the New Order Regime, created a social-economic gap between the ethnic groups in Indonesia. While some groups had privileges and easy access to economic resources, other did not. As a consequence, some groups were subject to oppression and marginalized. The potential for conflict increased structurally as marginal groups used ethnicity and religious attributes in framing the social-economic gap between them and the advantage groups. From the functionalist viewpoints, ethnicity can be seen as an easy way to heighten solidarity among people. The riots could be legitimated by using cared religious symbols. The author argues that the conflict among ethnic groups increased as a 'cultural protest' to the government's discriminative policy. The conflict does not represent the people's desire to return to their 'tribal' culture"

"The ethnic conflict in Ambon and Sambas are the result of the same casual factors. The ambivalent and unfair treatment by the armed forces and the police, and the absence of law enforcement, were factors that led to the emergence of these conflicts. Numerous crimes and violent actions (by gangster and preman) Took place. The local people - the Dayak and Malay community of Sambas, and the Ambon communities (both, Moslem and Christian, and also the Bugis, Buton, and Makassar) - took harsh measures without regard for the law. They did so since they could no longer trust the law, the armed forces and the police... [...] in the last part of this article, the author proposes three steps for the solution to the conflicts in both places: the shorts medium, and long term solutions."

"It unfortunately reveals that regional autonomy, and so to education autonomy as an integral part of it, as reflected through UU No.22 Tahun 1999 has not touched the very basic of cultural values and process of democracy, one core element it should significantly contain with. Central as well as regional policy makers and politicians, especially, have spent much their time to physical need and financial balancing debates between central and locals and deliberately forget the intrinsic cultural issue of the term, that is democracy as a cultural value formation process. Taking our current national education situation into account this article tries to introduce some cultural principles education autonomy should aim at. Based on holism in cultural approach education autonomy should pay attention seriously to strengthening community support to education."

"The writer put forward that in mainstream social sciences not much attention is given to problems related to power relationship in small social units such as the family. Thus in this article attempts are made to describe how much autonomy women have regarding household economy matters. The description of cases is based on research conducted in Jakarta by the team of "Srikandi Foundation" a small research institute of which writer is one of the chairpersons."