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"Konflik-konflik berdarah yang menyertai Indonesia setelah jatuhnya Orde Baru cenderung terjadi di Indonesia bagian Timur, dengan pengecualian daerah Aceh. Saat ini banyak analisis akademis, baik dalam bahasa Indonesia maupun Inggris yang telah mulai menguraikan aspek-aspek politis, sosial dan diskursif dari konflik-konflik di Timor Timur, Maluku, Maluku Utara, Poso, Kalimantan dan Papua. Penelitian-penelitian ini telah mulai meninggalkan penelaahan-penelaahan yang terlalu sederhana dan kerap sarat bias yang muncul segera setelah terjadinya konflik. Penelitian-penelitian tersebut mulai memberikan gambaran tentang konteks etnografis yang lengkap dan lebih rumit dari 'perang di Indonesia bagian Timur'. Gambaran ini memperlihatkan tercampur baurnya provokasi politik, ketegangan ekonomi, provokasi diskursif, dan adaptasi buletin lokal terhadap bentuk-bentuk identifikasi berdasarkan agama suku bangsa yang memberikan dorongan dan motif berbeda untuk ikut serta dalam setiap kerusuhan individual yang bergejolak di berbagai wilayah Indonesia Timur setelah tahun 1999. Walaupun setiap bentrokan/pertikaian (bahkan dalam satu wilayah konflik seperti Maluku atau Poso) seringkali bersifat unik secara politis dan pengalaman, mereka saling mempengaruhi satu sama lain. Setiap kerusuhan memupuk berkembangnya perasaan paranoia nasional yang disebarluaskan oleh media. Dalam prosesnya,setiap pertikaian/bentrokan menaburkan bibit-bibit kekerasan di tempat lainnya."

"The intention of this article is to discuss the relationship between the processes of fiscal and political decentralization, the outbreak of communal violence, and what I call 'the new politics of tradition' in Indonesia. In 1999 under the President Jusuf Habibie, the Indonesian parliament (DPR) voted in favour of two laws, No. 22 and 25 of 1999, which promised to leave a significant share of state revenues in the hands of the regional governments. Strongly supported by the liberal ideologues of the IMF and the World Bank, the two laws were envisaged within Indonesia as a necessary step towards devolving the centralized power of New Order patrimonialism and as a way of curbing separatism and demands for autonomy by giving the regional governments the constitutional and financial wherewithal to maintain a considerable degree of self-determination. Decentralization was in other words touted as the anti-dote to communal violence and separatist tendencies-an anti-dote administered or at least prescribed by multi-national development agencies in most conflict-prone areas of the world. This paper wishes to probe this idea by looking at the conflict and post-conflict situation in North Maluku. The conflict illustrates how local elites began jockeying for political control in anticipation of decentralization. The process of decentralization is in other words not merely an anti-dote but in some cases an implicated part in the production of violence. One reason for this is simply that the decentralization of financial and political control after three decades of centralization entails a significant shift in the parameters of hegemony-a shift towards which local political entrepreneurs in the regions are bound to react. The new 'politics of tradition' currently emerging in Indonesia is the combined result of changes in global forms of governance, a strong political focus on ethnic and religious identity in the 'era reformasi' and a local willingness to employ these identities to garner support in the new political landscape of decentralization."

"This paper will evaluate the impact of some early years of political reforms, democratization and regional autonomy on agrarian matters. During the New Order period, land resources were appropriated without consultation with local communities and land disputes have emerged to the political surface in many regions of Indonesia. The data I present here derive from South Sumatra, one of the hottest areas of Indonesia for disputed land. It will particularly focus on two key issues of agrarian matters, the position of the hak ulayat and solutions of land disputes."

"In this article the author examines the problem of ethnicity and the Indonesian nation-state. He asserts that Indonesia's history is marked by the tension between the country's ideological basis - as started in the preamble to its constitution- and the structural foundations stipulated in the chapters of that constitution. Working to achieve unity in diversity through the power granted him by the constitution, Soekarno applied the geopolitics based upon the Blut und Boden Theorie. However, each and every ethnic group that was to be united met the criteria of Blut und Boden and others. The concentration of power upon the president, reinforced by the Javanese conception of power, continued with Soeharto; eventually leading to the reform movement wherein in the many smaller groups in the union have begun to speak out. The author concludes that the centralization of power of the past must be replaced by a system with broad regional autonomy. While remaining true to the principle of the constitution, the distribution of economic power among the regions serve also as a safeguard against future crisis."

"This article discusses the relevance of applying the concepts of source of origin and system of precedence, that provide legitimacy for the Mosalaki of Lio in their construction and production as well as reproduction of power in everyday life, especially in their traditional political system. The data analyzed in this article is the result of fieldwork undertaken in the villages of Nggela and Tenda, District of Wolojita, the Regency of Ende Lio, Flores, with qualitative methods, specifically through the techniques of in-depth interviews and participant observation. The Mosalakis, as a matter of a fact, dominate the traditional political system as rulers of adat and adat land. Their practices of power are manifested mainly in ritual activities and the management of traditional land rights. The legitimated rights are transmitted through patrilineal descent, and is based upon source of origin and system of precedence, that are embeded in Lio culture."

"The Indonesian Armed Force (Tentara Nasional Indonesia, TNI) has for decades been the instrument used by those in power to endorse and hold their powerful positions. As a consequence, the Indonesian Armed Force has not only lost its professionalism, but also its quality and competence. A professional army can only be established in the condition of a democratic political life. In this article the author describes the situation in Indonesia nowadays, i.e. the transition towards democratization. In this process, the most important agenda is to return the main function of the Indonesian Armed Force in line with the need and the will of Indonesian people, i.e. to guard the nation sovereignty and territory. However, the author also recognizes the other functions the armed force has to carry out. In relation to this, the article examines how the professionalism of the Indonesian Armed Force can be formed in the midst of a political transition process. The author proposes several steps to be taken, i.e. to revise or replace the legislation about the state's defense policy; revise the armed force's doctrine so as to accommodate the people's needs; revise the legislation on the police force to enable the police to guard the civil order, strengthen the law, and avoid the outside intervention; as well as to allow the armed force's members to choose their representatives in the general election."

"This article will clarify political representation of exhibition at Ullèn Sentalu Museum, Monumen Jogja Kembali, and Affandi Museum. These three museums are considered as proponent of Yogyakarta?s identity as the central of Javanese culture, struggle city, and the barometer of Indonesian fine art. The issue then, is it true that in the exhibitions? at the three museums are appropriate with the identity of Yogyakarta, or in the contrary, the exhibitions have no correlation with this city?s identity discourse. There is a possibility that museum precisely bringing self-interest for specific purposes. Therefore, this paper needs to observe how the exhibitions at these museums were implemented. Through interpretive approach, the exhibition at the museum may be analogous similar with language phenomenon, and hence museum is considered as text that can be read and interpreted. Exhibition at the museum was developed within framework of thoughts (ideology), motives, and specific discourses, which all of these are articulated through a set of symbols (collection), that arranged with special layout procedure (display procedure). Thus, museum becomes ?political? since, in this perspective, museum has power over the formation of discourse through their exhibition."

"Violent tragedy in Bali has a long history. Violence during the Dutch colonial regime, until the 1965 massacre of local political violence under the "Orde Baru" occurred. Post-Reform of 1998, the tragedy of violence re-emerged in tandem with the strengthening of indigenous authority (Pakraman Village) that forced silence during the centralized authoritarian "Orde Baru" regime. Pakraman village go hand in hand with the spirit of strengthening the cultural movement (Ajeg Bali) post Bali bombings of 2002 and 2005. Within institutions of Pakraman Village, there lies pecalangan, a traditional indigenous security forces who participates in the business of security and control of new settlers in these territories. In political violence contestation and strengthening of the culture, the local-hero who has a long history of political violence in Bali plays their vital role through the mass organizations and also joined as pecalangan. This paper tried to describe the relationship between political history of violence in Bali and the pursuit of the local-hero in it."

"The assimilation between Arabic in-migrants from Hadramaut with Javanese noble women has been taking place since the 13th century. Some of their offspring has identified themselves as Arabic Indonesians, especially after Independence, while a proportion of them have chosen to associate themselves with their local Javanese relatives. The latter even has lost their Arabic cultural identity, and as a result, has become Javanese. This article tries to explain why such a phenomenon has materialized using a family case of a Javanese trah-Javanese version of a clan-who has been living outside the Yogyakarta court. By tracing the family lineage; attitude -both culturally and politically- and life-style of certain trah's figures as Javanese in the context of larger meso-institutional and macro-structural systems, this article argues that the fading away of Arabic identity among the offspring of this particular trah could be attributed to two contextual political economic relations between the Dutch and the Javanese rulers in two different eras. The first one was before the Dipanegara war when the relation was mainly economic, namely the Dutch as the trade-corporate (VOC); and the second was afterwards during which time the Dutch managed to consolidate their full total-grip as a colonial power. Furthermore, this article argues that the attitude of the Dutch and the way they treated the offspring this particular Arabic-Javanese court families, and their generational impact, could only be understood within the larger contexts of the day."

"Atashendartini Habsjah : Pusat Penelitian Unika AtmajayaTulisan ini berisikan dua bagian. Kedua bagian ini adalah sekelumit kesan penulis yang selama kurang lebih tiga tahun mengadakan pelbagai uji coba dalam meningkatkan kesehatan ibu dan anak yang hidup di berbagai kampung Jakarta yang sangat padat penduduknya. Dalam bagian pertama akan dibahas tentang kehidupan kamun perempuan yang ditemui di beberapa kantung-kantung kumuh yang sering merupakan suatu RT; sedangkan masalah kesehatan anak-anak mereka ini akan ditampilkan dalam bagian kedua dari tulisan ini."