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"In the midst of prolong conflict and the delay of reconciliation, Indonesian government provides a special autonomy to the Aceh people to implement Islamic laws (sharia') in the sociopolitical realms. Yet, for Aceh women the implementation of sharia' creates discriminative regulations such as enforcement to wear jilbab and curfew for them. Many recent political policies are totally disregarding Aceh women as part of the Aceh society. Various local regulations (qanun) that proposed by local government are not gender-sensitive and put forward violence in doing conflict resolution. Local autonomy brings the oppression of women's roles in the society. Historically, Aceh women have significant roles in shaping cultural identity of Aceh society. In the past, the interpretation of sharia' recognized and supported women's leadership in the society. Hence, a new approach to put back women's public roles in order to participate in reconciliation process of the Aceh society is needed."

"This study is aimed at identifying linguistic features, indexing ethnic identities, and inter-ethnic solidarity in transmigration contexts. Data were collected through interview, documentation and ethnography of various transmigrate communities on Sumbawa island. The data were then analyzed qualitatively with the ethnography of speaking and interaction analysis. The study found that (a) Ethnic identities in the migrant areas can be linguistically identified in four forms: orang aida (to refer to Sumbawa people), orang kalembo ade (for Bima people), dengan batur (for Sasak people) and orang beli (Balinese people). (b) These people were identifiable in the way they articulate particular sounds: orang beli (the Balinese) were identified in terms of dominant use of alveolar retroflexed, orang batur (the Sasak) were identified in the way they marked use of alveolar retroflexed, and orang kalembo ade (the Bima people) were identified through their articulation of closed central vowel as open low front vowel. It was also found that the forms had been used to construct ethnicity and interethnic solidarity between participants. The use of ana and ente in interaction indicated solidarity regardless of differences in age and social status."

"This paper argues that in the era of decentralization of developmental democratization at the local level through forums involving citizens have not yet formally involved strategic roles of women. The author reviews on how women?s strategic role on the local level has not been entirely met by mechanisms of formal channels at the village level. Taking a case study in Indramayu, the author outlines issues of democratization through various citizen forums that show problems of political participation that turn out to limit the role of women. The transformation of the public decision making structure on the local level should collaboratively involve aspirations of women who are still engaged in informal political context."

"In this article, the author addresses the problem of violence towards women, with a focus on the violence in ethnic conflict and armed conflict. She takes the view that any legal system should be seen as having three components, i.e., legal substance, legal structure and legal culture, and that none of these components protect women from acts of violence. Citing articles from the criminal code, the authors show how the laws cannot protect women who are victims of violence and how some articles of the code in fact perpetuate injustice toward women. Following this, she shows how law enforcement officers who constitute the legal structure lack any gender awareness in their handling of cases. Finally, the attitudes and beliefs toward the law is the legal culture encourages the view that women are the property of men, especially in times of armed conflict. "

"This article explores the roots of riots that have occurred in several cities and places in Indonesia, the author assumes that the accumulative and chronic social - economic gap shrouded by the ethnic and religious factors, underlined the occurrence of riots in the early Indonesian reformation era (May 1995). The differences in gaining access to economic resources, as well as the discriminative policies of the New Order Regime, created a social-economic gap between the ethnic groups in Indonesia. While some groups had privileges and easy access to economic resources, other did not. As a consequence, some groups were subject to oppression and marginalized. The potential for conflict increased structurally as marginal groups used ethnicity and religious attributes in framing the social-economic gap between them and the advantage groups. From the functionalist viewpoints, ethnicity can be seen as an easy way to heighten solidarity among people. The riots could be legitimated by using cared religious symbols. The author argues that the conflict among ethnic groups increased as a 'cultural protest' to the government's discriminative policy. The conflict does not represent the people's desire to return to their 'tribal' culture"

"This paper will evaluate the impact of some early years of political reforms, democratization and regional autonomy on agrarian matters. During the New Order period, land resources were appropriated without consultation with local communities and land disputes have emerged to the political surface in many regions of Indonesia. The data I present here derive from South Sumatra, one of the hottest areas of Indonesia for disputed land. It will particularly focus on two key issues of agrarian matters, the position of the hak ulayat and solutions of land disputes."

"The intention of this article is to discuss the relationship between the processes of fiscal and political decentralization, the outbreak of communal violence, and what I call 'the new politics of tradition' in Indonesia. In 1999 under the President Jusuf Habibie, the Indonesian parliament (DPR) voted in favour of two laws, No. 22 and 25 of 1999, which promised to leave a significant share of state revenues in the hands of the regional governments. Strongly supported by the liberal ideologues of the IMF and the World Bank, the two laws were envisaged within Indonesia as a necessary step towards devolving the centralized power of New Order patrimonialism and as a way of curbing separatism and demands for autonomy by giving the regional governments the constitutional and financial wherewithal to maintain a considerable degree of self-determination. Decentralization was in other words touted as the anti-dote to communal violence and separatist tendencies-an anti-dote administered or at least prescribed by multi-national development agencies in most conflict-prone areas of the world. This paper wishes to probe this idea by looking at the conflict and post-conflict situation in North Maluku. The conflict illustrates how local elites began jockeying for political control in anticipation of decentralization. The process of decentralization is in other words not merely an anti-dote but in some cases an implicated part in the production of violence. One reason for this is simply that the decentralization of financial and political control after three decades of centralization entails a significant shift in the parameters of hegemony-a shift towards which local political entrepreneurs in the regions are bound to react. The new 'politics of tradition' currently emerging in Indonesia is the combined result of changes in global forms of governance, a strong political focus on ethnic and religious identity in the 'era reformasi' and a local willingness to employ these identities to garner support in the new political landscape of decentralization."

"This paper is written based on the author's research on the policy of Chinese assimilation in two types of high school in Medan (1985-1986). Based on education policy issued in 1975,Indonesian students of Chinese descent are brought to contact with 'local students' to absorb so-called National culture through assimilation in schools. The author specifies two models of assimilation school, one is public schools, and the other is private schools with certain religious affiliations. There are seven indicators to measure successful assimilation (cultural, structural, amalgamations, identification, attitude, behaviour, and civic education) which show that the overall success of the assimilation agenda is still open to question if not unexpected. However, the author remarks that surprisingly, the assimilation process seems to have met with greater success in religious schools rather than public schools and he also critically points out that the basic assumption of assimilation is misleading and does not support the enrichment of a multicultural society."

"This paper is written based on the author's research on the policy of Chinese assimilation in two types of high school in Medan (1985-1986). Based on education policy issued in 1975,Indonesian students of Chinese descent are brought to contact with 'local students' to absorb so-called National culture through assimilation in schools. The author specifies two models of assimilation school, one is public schools, and the other is private schools with certain religious affiliations. There are seven indicators to measure successful assimilation (cultural, structural, amalgamations, identification, attitude, behaviour, and civic education) which show that the overall success of the assimilation agenda is still open to question if not unexpected. However, the author remarks that surprisingly, the assimilation process seems to have met with greater success in religious schools rather than public schools and he also critically points out that the basic assumption of assimilation is misleading and does not support the enrichment of a multicultural society."

"This article examines the dynamic of poor women identities in Boyolali through their knowledge on needs, ways to meet needs, means of expressing interest, and how local leaders facilitating aspirations of the poor. There is knowledge diversity and pattern of political action among the women in encountering poverty-related hardship in the daily lives. This study emphasizes the need to understand diversity of poor women to elaborate women, household and the poverty issues."