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"This article discusses the cultural history sketch of Orang Suku Laut (the Sea Tribe) and its implications for social relations patterns with the Malays in Riau Islands, Indonesia. Problems arise now in nomadic ethnic tribe when they interacting with the Malays. Many Malays people perceive Orang Suku Laut as a backward or primitive people. This point of view emerged from a long history of Orang Suku Laut in Riau Islands, and at present, the discourse is supported by the government which resettled them from the sea to the land as part of the modernization of disadvantaged areas in the New Order era. This government label to them was later influenced the Malays perception. Moreover, negative assumption also appears along with the cultural identity differences between both of the tribes, of which the Malays condense with Islamic tradition, while Orang Suku Laut doesn?t. At this situation, thus the identity of Orang Suku Laut is staked within socio-cultural dispute or contestation (the attraction process) among themselves in practicing their everyday lives."

"This article is the research on Bajonese life in Wakatobi regency of the Southeast Sulawesi Province as a community with a maritime history and culture as part of their life. In the interactional process with other communities in its surroundings in Wakatobi, The Bajonese are often stereotyped as pirates, stupid, and with physical characteristics that are different from other communities. In fact, for so long they have been neglected from the process of development implemented by either the central government or the regency government. As a marginal ethnic group, the Bajonese develop their own awareness to do morenients to negotiate at local political elements (bupati election=pilkada) and formed the ?kekar Bajo? organization, and appointing Ir Abdul Manan, MSc as president of this organization, and identifying all Bajonese as members without regard to state borders."

"In this article, the author argues for the inappropriateness of the government's policy and approach in its efforts to 'develop' the indigenous people who have been categorized as 'masyarakat terasing'. Through his analysis on the program of Pembinaan Kesejahteraan Masyarakat Terasing (PKMT), the author assumes that the program has failed. He examines the failure by looking closely at the livelihood of Orang Laut in Indragiri Hilir, the fishermen, who used to live collectively along the seashore and spend most of their time in boats. They refused to stay in the resettlement village which was provided by the government who did not base its program on the social-cultural-economic reality."

"Tulisan ini berupaya untuk mendokumentasikan perubahan-perubahan dalam hubungan sosial di antara suku bangsa Melayu di Semenanjung Malaysia dengan komuniti-komuniti Orang Asli. Dalam merekonstruksi kisah hubungan sosial itu, tulisan ini diawali dengan kajian tentang gerakan-gerakan pada masa prasejarah dan protosejarah dari nenek moyang Orang Asli dan Melayu. Orang Asli berasal dari wilayah tengah dan selatan Thailand. Orang Melayu berasal dari Taiwan dan berpindah menuju Semenanjung Malaysia melalui Philippina. Dikisahkan pula berlangsungnya 'gelombang' pertama, kedua, dan ketiga dari orang Melayu hingga akhirnya mereka memiliki dampak yang permanen di wilayah Semenanjung. Tulisan ini menyajikan peralihan hubungan di antara komuniti Orang Asli dan imigran Melayu dari Sumatera sejalan dengan perubahan nilai yang dimiliki orang Melayu terhadap Orang Asli dalam hal perdagangan internasional. Semula, Orang Asli sangat dibutuhkan dalam memungkinkan orang Melayu membangun pelabuhan yang berhasil di Melaka. Selama hasil-hasil hutan seperti damar, kayu cendana, dan rotan tetap diperlukan secara internasional, Orang Asli dihargai dan diterima oleh orang Melayu. Tetapi, dengan adanya perubahan dalam permintaan dari hasil-hasil hutan ke timah dan lada sejak abad keenambelas, dan beralih ke timah, karet, dan minyak kelapa sawit pada akhir abad kesembilanbelas dan abad keduapuluh, posisi Orang Asli menjadi semakin terpinggirkan. Perubahan itu juga tertuang dalam tradisi-tradisi lisan dan tertulis Orang Asli dan Melayu. Pada masa kini, Orang Asli mulai mengupayakan diperolehnya kembali penghargaan dan kerjasama yang sebelumnya telah menjadi karakteristik dalam hubungan sosialnya dengan orang Melayu. Walaupun prospek keberhasilan itu tidak cerah, kemajuan telah diperoleh dalam mempertahankan ide-ide tentang wilayah hunian dan keaslian mereka di Semenanjung Malaysia."

"In this article, the author describes the history of changes among the Kamoro in Mimika. Some of the changes-due to changes in their physical, social, and cultural environment-were unexpected and surprising, so that they were not ready to cope with. Consequently, there were two prominent implications in their life: the increase of consumerism behavior, and the occurrence of more frequent conflicts among themselves. In the final part, the author examines the Kamoro relationship with outsiders, of how they categorize the latter, and with whom they used to generate conflicts. Recently, conflicts mainly occur on the problems of land dispute with outsiders, and in the competition to get the 'one million-dollars' funds from PT Freeport."

"The Ambonese is a community that underwent changes from time to time as a result of the influence of religion, government's policies and global culture. The changes have further implications. A considerable 'in group' solidarity of village as totality (supported by villagers and their special rights, excluding the newcomers) became segregated because of religion. Religion has taken over the traditional rites. The village as an entity of traditional laws based upon genealogy has undergone changes into a public village. The village has become multi profiled with its activities based on needs, e.g. the ceremonial needs for the benefits of traditions. Traditional institutions that strengthened social relations between villages have weakened as a result of the government's policies, and so is the traditional institutions that fulfill the needs of the traditional community."

"Buton manuscripts indicated that Buton Kingdom appeared in 14th Century. In the periods of the 17 th, 18th, and 19th centuries, Buton Kingdom initiated to be the free kingdom. In the begining of 20th , dutch colonial goverment incorporated that the Buton kingdom and placed it under their rule. The principles were laid down based on the social cultural in eceonomic development. Relation to be governed especially are in the field of education, health, and economy. In 1960, Buton kingdom was dissolved following the death of Sultan Laode Muhammad Falihi as the last sultan. During the kingdom era, Buton social system consisted of three groups namelly kaomu, walaka, and papara. The system was established as power of ideology in Buton social political system in the era of goverment the fourth Sultan Dayanu Ikhsanuddin in 1578-1615. The Katobengke people as the subject and object of this paper belong to papara group. In the era of Buton Kingdom, the society was dominated by kaomu and walaka groups. This condition existed until the new order era, where in this period the dominant groups still have cultural and stereotype views toward this people as ini the era Buton kingdom. This paper focuses on the phenomena of power in the dynamic Buton?s social structure. In the Buton social structure, kaomu and walaka groups claimed them selves as the groups who have higher civilization in comparation with the Katobengke people, until today."

"This article will discuss legal and social discrimination against Chinese ethnic group in Indonesia and will show that the ethnic Chinese has been categorized as The Other since Chinese people are believed to have come from foreign country (China) and maintain their identity as different from other Indonesian ethnic groups. The discussion is focused on the essence of Indonesia as a multicultural society based on ethnicities as social force to develop social interactions within social, economy and political structures at the personal, social and state levels."

"Pengertian carok paling tidak harus mengandung lima unsur, yaitu tindakan atau upaya pembunuhan antarlaki-laki, pelecehan harga diri terutama berkaitan dengan kehormatan perempuan (istri), perasaan malu (malo), adanya dorongan, dukungan, persetujuan sosial disertai perasaan puas, dan perasaan bangga bagi pemenangnya (hlm. 184-185). Menurut hemat saya, carok sebagai media kultural untuk menunjukkan kejantanan dengan kekerasan fisik menjadi tidak jelas jika dihubungkan dengan nyelep (menyerang musuh dari belakang atau sampingketika musuh sedang lengah). Carok sebagai pembelaan terhadap harga diri yang terlecehkan menjadi 'tuna makna' kalau hanya dihubungkan dengan kehormatan perempuan. Carok bukan hanya penegakan kehormatan yang berhubungan dengan penghinaan terhadap istri, melainkan juga berhubungan dengan gangguan terhadap mantan istri yang telah dicerai, air, rumput, dan pelecehan agama. Carok dipandang oleh sebagian pelakunya sebagai suatu alat untuk memperoleh kekuasaan."

"Outbreaks of violence in eastern Indonesia in 1998 were characterized by attacks on migrants from Sulawesi. Anti-Bugis prejudice has a long history in the archipelago, but historically it has been expressed in differing ways. What explanations have been put forward for political/ethnic violence in Indonesia? By comparing the discussion of last year's conflict with that after the post-coup killings, for example, the author raises the question of 'what do we learn'? Is sociological logic adequate in these situations? In this article the author argues that at the foremost, we have to move beyond the reification of ethnic and religious difference, which produce their own mythic enchantment. Explanations of violence need to be grounded in specific historical analysis, in this case the recent history of Indonesian politics."