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"This article examines a dispute over proper religious practice in an all-Muslim village in Buton, Southeast Sulawesi. Traditionalists and modernists disagree over whether agricultural ceremonies involving offerings for territorial spirits should be allowed to continue. Local views on this dispute are explored with reference to the historical context of religious practice in the village, and processes of social change over the past several generations. It is argued that key social, political and economic dynamics which are relevant to the current religious dispute include the decline of agriculture in the village, the eclipsing of the Butonese Sultanate and integration into the Indonesian state, and new patterns of mobility whereby many villagers have become migrants to urban centers in eastern Indonesia. Thus it traces how processes of the increasing penetration of capitalism, the decline of traditional authority, and new patterns of mobility have played out in this particular village in the context of a dispute over religious practice."

"People from Buton, Southeast Sulawesi, have for centuries migrated to Ambon for work, there forming one of the most prominent communities of 'pendatang' along with the Bugis. Since the beginning of the recent conflicts in Maluku, official figures indicate that over 160,000people have returned to Buton (previous population 450,000) as refugees. This paper discusses the identity of these refugees and how the term 'refugee' may be misleading. Some of the 'refugees', who often ask to be referred to as 'returned migrants', had retained strong connections with their villages in Buton while they were living in Ambon. Their integration back into Butonese society after their flight from the conflict in Ambon poses, however, a number of serious challenges, especially for those born in Ambon. Having always been called 'Butonese' in Ambon, the returned migrants are often referred to as 'Ambonese' after their return to Buton and they often find it hard to adjust to life in Buton. This paper is based on fieldwork currently being undertaken in the village of Boneoge, Buton. I will discuss some aspects of the lives of the returned migrants in Buton, including their interactions with other Butonese people, as well as some of their perspectives on their own experiences. In Buton; perspectives on their identity are thus being expressed and contested through issues such as use of local languages, dance parties, and contested land rights. Their memories of life in Ambon, and of the conflict, also play a role in their constructions of identity, and in how they respond to challenges intheir lives in Buton now. Here memory is seen as a constructive process, which is culturally influenced, structured by narratives, and adapted to a context."

"People from Buton, Southeast Sulawesi, have for centuries migrated to Ambon for work, there forming one of the most prominent communities of 'pendatang' along with the Bugis. Since the beginning of the recent conflicts in Maluku, official figures indicate that over 160,000people have returned to Buton (previous population 450,000) as refugees. This paper discusses the identity of these refugees and how the term 'refugee' may be misleading. Some of the 'refugees', who often ask to be referred to as 'returned migrants', had retained strong connections with their villages in Buton while they were living in Ambon. Their integration back into Butonese society after their flight from the conflict in Ambon poses, however, a number of serious challenges, especially for those born in Ambon. Having always been called 'Butonese' in Ambon, the returned migrants are often referred to as 'Ambonese' after their return to Buton and they often find it hard to adjust to life in Buton. This paper is based on fieldwork currently being undertaken in the village of Boneoge, Buton. I will discuss some aspects of the lives of the returned migrants in Buton, including their interactions with other Butonese people, as well as some of their perspectives on their own experiences. In Buton; perspectives on their identity are thus being expressed and contested through issues such as use of local languages, dance parties, and contested land rights. Their memories of life in Ambon, and of the conflict, also play a role in their constructions of identity, and in how they respond to challenges intheir lives in Buton now. Here memory is seen as a constructive process, which is culturally influenced, structured by narratives, and adapted to a context."

"Buton manuscripts indicated that Buton Kingdom appeared in 14th Century. In the periods of the 17 th, 18th, and 19th centuries, Buton Kingdom initiated to be the free kingdom. In the begining of 20th , dutch colonial goverment incorporated that the Buton kingdom and placed it under their rule. The principles were laid down based on the social cultural in eceonomic development. Relation to be governed especially are in the field of education, health, and economy. In 1960, Buton kingdom was dissolved following the death of Sultan Laode Muhammad Falihi as the last sultan. During the kingdom era, Buton social system consisted of three groups namelly kaomu, walaka, and papara. The system was established as power of ideology in Buton social political system in the era of goverment the fourth Sultan Dayanu Ikhsanuddin in 1578-1615. The Katobengke people as the subject and object of this paper belong to papara group. In the era of Buton Kingdom, the society was dominated by kaomu and walaka groups. This condition existed until the new order era, where in this period the dominant groups still have cultural and stereotype views toward this people as ini the era Buton kingdom. This paper focuses on the phenomena of power in the dynamic Buton?s social structure. In the Buton social structure, kaomu and walaka groups claimed them selves as the groups who have higher civilization in comparation with the Katobengke people, until today."

"This article describes the relationship between power, history and identity in the processof division North Buton of Muna. In this article the presence of North Buton identity is seen asa phenomenon that refers to the identity of reproduction historical narrative where Kulisusuin historical context has a power relationship with the kingdom of Buton which lasted fromthe 17th century. This study found; that the presence of North Buton identity is a product ofdiscourse that legitimized by indigenous groups who identify themselves as descendants ofthe founder of the kingdom Kulisusu. it means that the identity of North Buton formed dueto higher power structures Barata Kulisusu surviving in culture Kulisusu People. This studyalso found that reproductive identity North Buton a political attempt to discover the identityof distinguishing between Kulisusu and People Muna (identity as a weapon of resistance).This distinctive identity in turn managed to attract popular support for the masses who feelconnected to that identity."

"Kiai, alumni and santri Ilir kali first confronted with the PRD and SMID who spearheaded the various demonstrations of labor movement in East Java. Now, communism as the common enemy no longer has a clear personification and increasingly blurred. The intensity of the conflict become more intensified in mid-1998 in various areas in Java, forcing the local elites in Modjosongo do institutionalization consolidation of local leaders. Incident "communal praying" created as common platform transformation media for religion, politics and economic elite's in Madukara. When labors' demonstrations took place in Madukara several times in the transition era of the Reformation, Islamic propaganda becoming part of subjugation. This article presents how the position of the santri and the dilemma in the frame space of capital that flourished in the city."

"Theoretical shifts in anthropological studies in recent decades has given way to renewed recognition of looking at issues of identity, namely that the sociall life, the arena in which the identity plays in, must be fundamentally understood as negotiating meanings. This is where Clifford Geertz?s interpretative approach becomes important yet problematic. Important because Geertz offers a humanistic approach which examines how meanings and symbols become important in the view of the community itself. Therefore, he argues, cultural interpretation requires a more in-depth analysis, also more intelligent and complex in which its purposes and those complexed cultural forms that can not simply be reduced to the effects on the social engines and organisms as claimed by structuralist and functionalist scholars before him. At the same time, it is also problematic because of Geertz?s position that searches for meaning makes him seem neglective or underestimative of the process of how interaction ? the arena of where meanings work ? is produced. In this case, Geertz?s critics have ?helped? by reminding him of what is power relations and agency. Refering to the conception of Sherry Ortner, the author argues that through the agency there is a way to see this debate from the mid. The side which is not for eliminating the significant influence of Geertz is also not to ignore the significance of the critics? arguments, but to bridge the two (meaning and power relations). Efforts in connecting this theory through the concept of agency consequently will include the significance of one party, at the same time improve its insignificance through the criticism of others and vice versa."

"Based on data from fieldwork in Flores, this article suggests an indigenous form of tolerance and suppleness as the model for a new form of multiculturalism in Indonesia. Many studies of nationalism have criticized the perspective that developing nation-states need 'strong nationalism. However, if we step out of this hegemonic preoccupation, we come to realize that the relevant question is not how Indonesia can keep its unity but on what conditions Indonesia can function well as a politico-economic system, keeping diverse areas incorporated in the post-modern and global contexts at present and in the future. In Flores, people have been traversing real and imagined borders since the time of the Austronesian migration and the age of Southeast Asian maritime commerce. Even after independence, Flores has had direct transnational linkage through the Catholic network and recently quite a few Catholic priests and candidates from Flores have been sent abroad. Due to the development of global capitalism, many people from mountainous areas in central Flores also go to Malaysia as low-paid labourers, and they accommodate well to the new situations. As illegal labourers, Florenese people develop social ties with the people whom they meet overseas. Even when they are arrested and forced to come home from Malaysia, they are never stigmatized in their home village. I would like to name tentatively this principle of social adaptability and political flexibility, which also orders life in Florenese villages, 'Austronesian cosmopolitanism'. I further suggest that this Austronesian principle of political flexibility could prove a useful model for the Indonesian nation-state as it struggles to adopt a new political model that prevents the escalation of retaliatory violence and allows the country to continue as a politico-economic unit."

"There are a set of questions that needs to be answered in relation to the Mataram tragedy which has been known as the 'Tragedy One Seven One' (Tragedy Satu Tujuh Satu). One of the question is: if the tragedy has the basis of religious conflict, why did the conflict occur only between the Moslems and the Christians, and not between the Moslems and the Hindus which has a greater number of followers than the Christians? By looking at the main target of the tragedy, the churches, not the individuals, as well as its short duration, a cultural analysis is the most probable way to find relevant answers. The author argues that the Mataram tragedy was not staying apart from the development of an increasing number of churches. The building of Christian churches, their quantity, quality, and geographical distribution was seen as the emergence of the new opposed culture. The latter was perceived as threatening the culture of 'Thousand Mosques', the native ethnic identity, and the majority of the people of Pulau Lombok. In this article, the author examines the culture of 'Thousand Mosques', its relation to the Mataram tragedy."