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"This article will clarify political representation of exhibition at Ullèn Sentalu Museum, Monumen Jogja Kembali, and Affandi Museum. These three museums are considered as proponent of Yogyakarta?s identity as the central of Javanese culture, struggle city, and the barometer of Indonesian fine art. The issue then, is it true that in the exhibitions? at the three museums are appropriate with the identity of Yogyakarta, or in the contrary, the exhibitions have no correlation with this city?s identity discourse. There is a possibility that museum precisely bringing self-interest for specific purposes. Therefore, this paper needs to observe how the exhibitions at these museums were implemented. Through interpretive approach, the exhibition at the museum may be analogous similar with language phenomenon, and hence museum is considered as text that can be read and interpreted. Exhibition at the museum was developed within framework of thoughts (ideology), motives, and specific discourses, which all of these are articulated through a set of symbols (collection), that arranged with special layout procedure (display procedure). Thus, museum becomes ?political? since, in this perspective, museum has power over the formation of discourse through their exhibition."

"This article discusses the relevance of applying the concepts of source of origin and system of precedence, that provide legitimacy for the Mosalaki of Lio in their construction and production as well as reproduction of power in everyday life, especially in their traditional political system. The data analyzed in this article is the result of fieldwork undertaken in the villages of Nggela and Tenda, District of Wolojita, the Regency of Ende Lio, Flores, with qualitative methods, specifically through the techniques of in-depth interviews and participant observation. The Mosalakis, as a matter of a fact, dominate the traditional political system as rulers of adat and adat land. Their practices of power are manifested mainly in ritual activities and the management of traditional land rights. The legitimated rights are transmitted through patrilineal descent, and is based upon source of origin and system of precedence, that are embeded in Lio culture."

"During the Javanese historical development since the First Mataram Empire until today, Javanese cultural concepts as cultural syncretism of early Hindu-Buddhism, latter Hindu-Buddhism and Islam tends to be preserved. In its contact with later concepts from the west, such as formal education, modern politics and the entrance of various ideologies such as nationalism, capitalism, socialism, democracy and so on, has not negated those Javanese cultures. The main problem posed in this article is as follow: to what extent Javanese value of political power has been embraced by elites from Surakarta and Yogyakarta palaces. Whether their values are still strong or has it been diminished. Results reached in this research are: (1) Dominant perception of the elite, shows that their understanding of Javanese political power is still strong. They still strongly embraced the palace tradition and fully involved in all palace's rituals; (2) Western cultural penetration has not able to negate the strong rooted Javanese culture from these palace's elites. Their spirits are still bound to the Javanese culture which surrounded their palace; (3) Javanese sense of political power will play important role when it is positioned as spiritual power to those "njawani" rulers."

"This article attempts to explain the basic nature of social structure of the Sultanate of Wolio which is divided into four categories, namely Kaomu, Walaka, Papara and Batua. The analysis itself is based on local manuscripts and fieldwork in the Sultanate of Wolio in the course of several years. Through the study of Wolio social structure, the writer also attempts to comprehend the ideology of power in Wolio society. In addition, the discussion shows as well the misinterpretation of the basic nature of Wolio social structure and ideology of power done by several Dutch scholars since 1878"

"Konflik-konflik berdarah yang menyertai Indonesia setelah jatuhnya Orde Baru cenderung terjadi di Indonesia bagian Timur, dengan pengecualian daerah Aceh. Saat ini banyak analisis akademis, baik dalam bahasa Indonesia maupun Inggris yang telah mulai menguraikan aspek-aspek politis, sosial dan diskursif dari konflik-konflik di Timor Timur, Maluku, Maluku Utara, Poso, Kalimantan dan Papua. Penelitian-penelitian ini telah mulai meninggalkan penelaahan-penelaahan yang terlalu sederhana dan kerap sarat bias yang muncul segera setelah terjadinya konflik. Penelitian-penelitian tersebut mulai memberikan gambaran tentang konteks etnografis yang lengkap dan lebih rumit dari 'perang di Indonesia bagian Timur'. Gambaran ini memperlihatkan tercampur baurnya provokasi politik, ketegangan ekonomi, provokasi diskursif, dan adaptasi buletin lokal terhadap bentuk-bentuk identifikasi berdasarkan agama suku bangsa yang memberikan dorongan dan motif berbeda untuk ikut serta dalam setiap kerusuhan individual yang bergejolak di berbagai wilayah Indonesia Timur setelah tahun 1999. Walaupun setiap bentrokan/pertikaian (bahkan dalam satu wilayah konflik seperti Maluku atau Poso) seringkali bersifat unik secara politis dan pengalaman, mereka saling mempengaruhi satu sama lain. Setiap kerusuhan memupuk berkembangnya perasaan paranoia nasional yang disebarluaskan oleh media. Dalam prosesnya,setiap pertikaian/bentrokan menaburkan bibit-bibit kekerasan di tempat lainnya."

"Violent tragedy in Bali has a long history. Violence during the Dutch colonial regime, until the 1965 massacre of local political violence under the "Orde Baru" occurred. Post-Reform of 1998, the tragedy of violence re-emerged in tandem with the strengthening of indigenous authority (Pakraman Village) that forced silence during the centralized authoritarian "Orde Baru" regime. Pakraman village go hand in hand with the spirit of strengthening the cultural movement (Ajeg Bali) post Bali bombings of 2002 and 2005. Within institutions of Pakraman Village, there lies pecalangan, a traditional indigenous security forces who participates in the business of security and control of new settlers in these territories. In political violence contestation and strengthening of the culture, the local-hero who has a long history of political violence in Bali plays their vital role through the mass organizations and also joined as pecalangan. This paper tried to describe the relationship between political history of violence in Bali and the pursuit of the local-hero in it."

"The intention of this article is to discuss the relationship between the processes of fiscal and political decentralization, the outbreak of communal violence, and what I call 'the new politics of tradition' in Indonesia. In 1999 under the President Jusuf Habibie, the Indonesian parliament (DPR) voted in favour of two laws, No. 22 and 25 of 1999, which promised to leave a significant share of state revenues in the hands of the regional governments. Strongly supported by the liberal ideologues of the IMF and the World Bank, the two laws were envisaged within Indonesia as a necessary step towards devolving the centralized power of New Order patrimonialism and as a way of curbing separatism and demands for autonomy by giving the regional governments the constitutional and financial wherewithal to maintain a considerable degree of self-determination. Decentralization was in other words touted as the anti-dote to communal violence and separatist tendencies-an anti-dote administered or at least prescribed by multi-national development agencies in most conflict-prone areas of the world. This paper wishes to probe this idea by looking at the conflict and post-conflict situation in North Maluku. The conflict illustrates how local elites began jockeying for political control in anticipation of decentralization. The process of decentralization is in other words not merely an anti-dote but in some cases an implicated part in the production of violence. One reason for this is simply that the decentralization of financial and political control after three decades of centralization entails a significant shift in the parameters of hegemony-a shift towards which local political entrepreneurs in the regions are bound to react. The new 'politics of tradition' currently emerging in Indonesia is the combined result of changes in global forms of governance, a strong political focus on ethnic and religious identity in the 'era reformasi' and a local willingness to employ these identities to garner support in the new political landscape of decentralization."

"This paper will evaluate the impact of some early years of political reforms, democratization and regional autonomy on agrarian matters. During the New Order period, land resources were appropriated without consultation with local communities and land disputes have emerged to the political surface in many regions of Indonesia. The data I present here derive from South Sumatra, one of the hottest areas of Indonesia for disputed land. It will particularly focus on two key issues of agrarian matters, the position of the hak ulayat and solutions of land disputes."

"In this article the author examines the problem of ethnicity and the Indonesian nation-state. He asserts that Indonesia's history is marked by the tension between the country's ideological basis - as started in the preamble to its constitution- and the structural foundations stipulated in the chapters of that constitution. Working to achieve unity in diversity through the power granted him by the constitution, Soekarno applied the geopolitics based upon the Blut und Boden Theorie. However, each and every ethnic group that was to be united met the criteria of Blut und Boden and others. The concentration of power upon the president, reinforced by the Javanese conception of power, continued with Soeharto; eventually leading to the reform movement wherein in the many smaller groups in the union have begun to speak out. The author concludes that the centralization of power of the past must be replaced by a system with broad regional autonomy. While remaining true to the principle of the constitution, the distribution of economic power among the regions serve also as a safeguard against future crisis."

"This article analyze model of resistance between the local community and private company withinspired to perspective of power relation. Analysis based on the research about forest tenure by the local community and private company in Praha Village, Jambi. The research inspired qualitative approach with methods of indepth interview and participatory observation. The local community and private company constitute stakeholders that have interest on the forest resources. Complexity of the stakeholders?s interest were expressed through models of the social relation that were conflict, collaboration, and resistance. Dynamics of the social relation are reality of the power relation. Resistance are strategy of power relation with special features that each other stakeholders focus on the strategy to realize the each other goals and indirectly to fail the strategy of others."