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"This research is based on the mindset that any of heterogeneous in a society, they still could be identified based on the values or symbols that referred to them as an ethnic groups. The problem in this research comes from seeing the issues of Lampung ethnic as an experienced local ethnic domination that increasingly being desperate in their own cultural environment. Ambiguity and vagueness of identity as a local ethnic also reinforced by the attitude of immigrants towards them that affect the relationship between them and if it still left unchecked can potentially lead to conflict. This ethnography research aims to reveal how Lampung ethnic establish their existence of identity through cultural values of Piil Pesenggiri, which upholds the dignity contextually as Lampung identity which carried out in their actions as a strategy of contestation in the immigrant communities. The emergence of a awareness of their identity, reviving Piil Pesenggiri uphold the values of honour in local wisdom become a strategy and a capital that being used when they are dialing with immigrants. In their actualization, the reproduction of Piil Pesenggri still being based on its own basic values such as Pesenggiri, nemui nyimah, nengah nyappor, juluk adok, dan sakai sambayan. Contextually, Piil Pesenggiri become a strategy to manifested their existence as Lampung ethnic and it also used to change the stereotype that immigrants pinned to them with a new value such as (a) changing the work ethic that has been known so low that they are often associated with lazy, less ductile, weak competitiveness, and human resources are still limited; (b) are not stuck with the romance of the past as a landlord; (c) re-interpretation of the titles of nobility (juluk buadek) which has been become the pride and purpose to be achieved in the internal structure so that could be received in the external structure; (d) Piil Pesenggiri become an ethnic identity and politics identity. Piil Pesenggiri is a way of life how ethnic Lampung have to act and behave. For them, Piil Pesenggiri is an identity or reflects the identity so that their existence is recognized and valued in relation to immigrants. In order to confirm their identity as Lampung ethnics, then the actions and strategies they are doing is building a network through the structure of society, also using the idiom of kinship as a strategy to deal with the migrants so that their existence as an ethnic Lampung still got appreciation in accordance with the values of honour that contained in Piil Pesenggiri."

"Indonesia's motto (Bhinneka Tunggal Ika), like that of the United States (E pluribus unum), suggests a multicultural unity in diversity appropriate to such a large nation comprising hundreds of ethnic groups (suku bangsa). Not every ethnic group has been treated in the same way, however. Ethnic Chinese Indonesians have been classified as people of foreign descent (keturunan asing) rather than as a suku bangsa, although many peranakan Chinese families have been settled in Indonesia for centuries and have indigenous as well as Chinese ancestry. Why was itso difficult for peranakan Chinese to gain acceptance as Indonesians? Why were their counterparts, the mestizo Chinese, accepted so readily as Filipinos? The paper will consider the timing of the rise of the relevant national consciousnesses (Chinese, Filipino, Indonesian) and their interactions, as well as the policies of the relevant governments (colonial and Chinese) toward the ethnic Chinese population in the two countries. Partha Chatterjee has written about nationalist thought in the Third World as a derivative discourse. It will be argued that Indonesian nationalist thought, in its attitudes to the ethnic Chinese, has been heavily influenced by the policies and mentality of the Dutch colonial government."

"The ethnic conflict in Indonesia is a sign of huge problems facing Jakarta and local areas Indonesia, therefore the explanation for its occurrence cannot be produced without examining the central-periphery relations, which involve structural problems in constructing and maintaining power. Ethnicity, for instance, has become political commodity, which is constructed by central powers and made manifest through the concept of SARA (ethnicity, religion, race and inter-group relations). Thus, government tends to find and explain the root of ethnic conflict in ethnic cultural differences itself, whereby differences of ideology and life practices are viewed as the source of conflict. This article attempts to examine ethnic conflict by analyzing three main factors, which are first, the change in the balance of ethnic relations. Second, the imposition of a uniform politics in pluralistic society. Third, a weakening of traditional relationship and the credibility of local elites as a result of government intervention. Based on these three factors, this article concludes that ethnic conflicts are not only matters of ethnic cultural differences, but also are rooted much deeper in systematic mistakes in managing these differences and the conflicts itself ,where culture has been used for government's political interests."

"Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji dampak otonomi daerah terhadap identitas lokal. Sebagaimana terlihat dari kasus Sampit di Kalimantan Tengah, otonomi daerah terkait dengan munculnya identitas putra daerah. Kasus yang dibahas dalam tulisan ini berkaitan dengan pembentukan Provinsi Bangka-Belitung (Babel) yang mengakibatkan munculnya identitas putra daerah di kalangan orang Melayu di Bangka-Belitung. Dalam tulisan ini, saya menganalisis sejauhmana lembaga hukum adat dapat menyajikan solusi untuk mengatasi konflik etnis yang sedang terjadi di Bangka Belitung"

"The May riot of 1998 has brought the so-called Chinese problem to the forefront. Various comments on the problem are mostly based on memories of the past, of the Dutch colonial segregation policy, and the common perception of the present conflict. The latter refers to the social economic gap between the Indonesian Chinese and the indigenous Indonesians. However, none of these comments address to the core of the problem related to the ethnicity and nationalism. The problem emerged when ethnicity and nationalism were in conflict. This conflict began with the establishment of the modern (Indonesian) nation-state. Since the beginning, the basis for discrimination between the indigenous and non indigenous has legally been set up by the 1945 constitution (article no.26). This discrimination was strengthened by the new order's policy that assimilation in the sole route to solving the so-called Chinese problem. This policy has produced wider social cultural, economic, and political gaps between the Indonesian Chinese and the indigenous Indonesian. The situation has developed in such a way that to solve the problem a careful examination using a multidisciplinary approach that pays attention to spatial and temporal variation in necessary."

"This article explores the roots of riots that have occurred in several cities and places in Indonesia, the author assumes that the accumulative and chronic social - economic gap shrouded by the ethnic and religious factors, underlined the occurrence of riots in the early Indonesian reformation era (May 1995). The differences in gaining access to economic resources, as well as the discriminative policies of the New Order Regime, created a social-economic gap between the ethnic groups in Indonesia. While some groups had privileges and easy access to economic resources, other did not. As a consequence, some groups were subject to oppression and marginalized. The potential for conflict increased structurally as marginal groups used ethnicity and religious attributes in framing the social-economic gap between them and the advantage groups. From the functionalist viewpoints, ethnicity can be seen as an easy way to heighten solidarity among people. The riots could be legitimated by using cared religious symbols. The author argues that the conflict among ethnic groups increased as a 'cultural protest' to the government's discriminative policy. The conflict does not represent the people's desire to return to their 'tribal' culture"

"The ethnic conflict in Ambon and Sambas are the result of the same casual factors. The ambivalent and unfair treatment by the armed forces and the police, and the absence of law enforcement, were factors that led to the emergence of these conflicts. Numerous crimes and violent actions (by gangster and preman) Took place. The local people - the Dayak and Malay community of Sambas, and the Ambon communities (both, Moslem and Christian, and also the Bugis, Buton, and Makassar) - took harsh measures without regard for the law. They did so since they could no longer trust the law, the armed forces and the police... [...] in the last part of this article, the author proposes three steps for the solution to the conflicts in both places: the shorts medium, and long term solutions."

"One of the characteristic of legal anthropology, according to the author, is the refusal law in its formal and absolute form. The Vollenhoven's thesis on the importance of studying law as it is rooted in the Indonesian society and culture can be regarded as the emergence of legal anthropology in Indonesia. Nevertheless, studies on law from anthropological viewpoint have just been intensified since 1970s. In describing the history of law and the position of legal anthropology in the legal history, the author reveals the main contribution of ideas from some law scientist. One among the ideas is the importance of analyzing the contents of law in recent context without precluding its historical dimension. The analysis on the history of law should constitute explanation on how events emerge and develop so as to provide better understanding on various rules, concept, and institutions of law at recent times. The legal anthropology provides us with such understanding on how certain laws emerge, develop, and change, since it analyzes law in its very "natural" context or as the manifestation of socio-cultural aspects of a society."

"This paper looks at the deteriorating relations between the population of Sulawesi Utara and the approximately 35,000 internally displaced people (IDPs) who fled there from the neighboring province of Maluku Utara. These IDPs first began arriving in large numbers in November of 1999 when communal violence broke out on the islands of Ternate and Tidore in Maluku Utara. They continued arriving until the violence came to a halt in June of 2000.Initially, relations between the two groups were positive. However, the extended presence of 35,000 IDPs created several problems, including a decrease in wages and an increase in housing costs. Negative perceptions of IDPs and jealously over IDP aid have created further misunderstandings. Additionally, IDP experiences with locals have led them to distrust the local population. On a few occasions these tensions have broken out into violence, and some fear this is a foreshadowing of the future should large numbers of IDPs decide to stay in Sulawesi Utara. This paper examines the relationships between these groups, as well as some of the efforts made by international NGOs to address these issues."

"The fate of indigenous knowledge systems has become the concern of many in an era of globalization. These knowledge systems are said to be under the threat of extinction, to be replaced by 'Western', 'scientific', or 'global' knowledge. The author contends that these concerns are more rooted in an overly essentialist attitude that pits the 'local' against the 'global'. He argues that the dynamics of knowledge systems must be better understood using a model of knowledge best suited for this purpose. He further argues that the most promising model is the one based on connectionism and developed by cognitive anthropologists. Drawing examples from the experience of farmers in Lampung, he shows how individuals combine stimuli from various sources to form schemas, thus showing the irrelevance of making hard distinctions between the 'local' and the 'global'."