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"This article describes the relationship between power, history and identity in the processof division North Buton of Muna. In this article the presence of North Buton identity is seen asa phenomenon that refers to the identity of reproduction historical narrative where Kulisusuin historical context has a power relationship with the kingdom of Buton which lasted fromthe 17th century. This study found; that the presence of North Buton identity is a product ofdiscourse that legitimized by indigenous groups who identify themselves as descendants ofthe founder of the kingdom Kulisusu. it means that the identity of North Buton formed dueto higher power structures Barata Kulisusu surviving in culture Kulisusu People. This studyalso found that reproductive identity North Buton a political attempt to discover the identityof distinguishing between Kulisusu and People Muna (identity as a weapon of resistance).This distinctive identity in turn managed to attract popular support for the masses who feelconnected to that identity."

"Buton manuscripts indicated that Buton Kingdom appeared in 14th Century. In the periods of the 17 th, 18th, and 19th centuries, Buton Kingdom initiated to be the free kingdom. In the begining of 20th , dutch colonial goverment incorporated that the Buton kingdom and placed it under their rule. The principles were laid down based on the social cultural in eceonomic development. Relation to be governed especially are in the field of education, health, and economy. In 1960, Buton kingdom was dissolved following the death of Sultan Laode Muhammad Falihi as the last sultan. During the kingdom era, Buton social system consisted of three groups namelly kaomu, walaka, and papara. The system was established as power of ideology in Buton social political system in the era of goverment the fourth Sultan Dayanu Ikhsanuddin in 1578-1615. The Katobengke people as the subject and object of this paper belong to papara group. In the era of Buton Kingdom, the society was dominated by kaomu and walaka groups. This condition existed until the new order era, where in this period the dominant groups still have cultural and stereotype views toward this people as ini the era Buton kingdom. This paper focuses on the phenomena of power in the dynamic Buton?s social structure. In the Buton social structure, kaomu and walaka groups claimed them selves as the groups who have higher civilization in comparation with the Katobengke people, until today."

"People from Buton, Southeast Sulawesi, have for centuries migrated to Ambon for work, there forming one of the most prominent communities of 'pendatang' along with the Bugis. Since the beginning of the recent conflicts in Maluku, official figures indicate that over 160,000people have returned to Buton (previous population 450,000) as refugees. This paper discusses the identity of these refugees and how the term 'refugee' may be misleading. Some of the 'refugees', who often ask to be referred to as 'returned migrants', had retained strong connections with their villages in Buton while they were living in Ambon. Their integration back into Butonese society after their flight from the conflict in Ambon poses, however, a number of serious challenges, especially for those born in Ambon. Having always been called 'Butonese' in Ambon, the returned migrants are often referred to as 'Ambonese' after their return to Buton and they often find it hard to adjust to life in Buton. This paper is based on fieldwork currently being undertaken in the village of Boneoge, Buton. I will discuss some aspects of the lives of the returned migrants in Buton, including their interactions with other Butonese people, as well as some of their perspectives on their own experiences. In Buton; perspectives on their identity are thus being expressed and contested through issues such as use of local languages, dance parties, and contested land rights. Their memories of life in Ambon, and of the conflict, also play a role in their constructions of identity, and in how they respond to challenges intheir lives in Buton now. Here memory is seen as a constructive process, which is culturally influenced, structured by narratives, and adapted to a context."

"This article will clarify political representation of exhibition at Ullèn Sentalu Museum, Monumen Jogja Kembali, and Affandi Museum. These three museums are considered as proponent of Yogyakarta?s identity as the central of Javanese culture, struggle city, and the barometer of Indonesian fine art. The issue then, is it true that in the exhibitions? at the three museums are appropriate with the identity of Yogyakarta, or in the contrary, the exhibitions have no correlation with this city?s identity discourse. There is a possibility that museum precisely bringing self-interest for specific purposes. Therefore, this paper needs to observe how the exhibitions at these museums were implemented. Through interpretive approach, the exhibition at the museum may be analogous similar with language phenomenon, and hence museum is considered as text that can be read and interpreted. Exhibition at the museum was developed within framework of thoughts (ideology), motives, and specific discourses, which all of these are articulated through a set of symbols (collection), that arranged with special layout procedure (display procedure). Thus, museum becomes ?political? since, in this perspective, museum has power over the formation of discourse through their exhibition."

"This article is the research on Bajonese life in Wakatobi regency of the Southeast Sulawesi Province as a community with a maritime history and culture as part of their life. In the interactional process with other communities in its surroundings in Wakatobi, The Bajonese are often stereotyped as pirates, stupid, and with physical characteristics that are different from other communities. In fact, for so long they have been neglected from the process of development implemented by either the central government or the regency government. As a marginal ethnic group, the Bajonese develop their own awareness to do morenients to negotiate at local political elements (bupati election=pilkada) and formed the ?kekar Bajo? organization, and appointing Ir Abdul Manan, MSc as president of this organization, and identifying all Bajonese as members without regard to state borders."

"This article examines how the people of Sumba construct their cultural identity associated with their religiosity in the face of discriminatory processed around them. The Sumbanese with their Marapu religion are discriminated againts because of the cultural identity attached to it, but due to their negative image. Discriminatory categories with all the attributes and roles attached to ithemare not natural constructs, but a history and representation.The cultural identity of the Sumbanese is the result of the interaction between the forces from the "outside" and the practices of their daily life. Marapu is a religion that serve as is the cultural identity of the Sumbanese, and becomes the basis of guidelines or values that organize their lives. Even for the people who do not following the Marapu religion. For them the Marapu is limited to the customs of ancestors only, and not as a faith they profess. For some of the Sumbanese, switching religion are a compromise, which is one form of "cultural protection strategy" that can reduce fear and aggression that arise between the individuals and society. The nature of this compromise culture is activated through the traditional institutions that always put through deliberation and uphold the concepts of togetherness and solidarity."

"This article examines notions of identity in the context of Mamanda, a traditional theatre in Banjar, South Kalimantan. The author Mamanda as a cultural symbol and describes the formulation of its identity using a semiotic approach whereby identity is conceived as a part of a binary composition fluctuating between the opposing notions of 'us' and 'other'. This is illustrated in the oppositions between the theatre's community and the state, individuals and the state, and the contradictory oppositions between the community members within Mamanda itself. This article demonstrates that identity is continually reformulated and is linked to political interests such as regional autonomy."

"This research is based on the mindset that any of heterogeneous in a society, they still could be identified based on the values or symbols that referred to them as an ethnic groups. The problem in this research comes from seeing the issues of Lampung ethnic as an experienced local ethnic domination that increasingly being desperate in their own cultural environment. Ambiguity and vagueness of identity as a local ethnic also reinforced by the attitude of immigrants towards them that affect the relationship between them and if it still left unchecked can potentially lead to conflict. This ethnography research aims to reveal how Lampung ethnic establish their existence of identity through cultural values of Piil Pesenggiri, which upholds the dignity contextually as Lampung identity which carried out in their actions as a strategy of contestation in the immigrant communities. The emergence of a awareness of their identity, reviving Piil Pesenggiri uphold the values of honour in local wisdom become a strategy and a capital that being used when they are dialing with immigrants. In their actualization, the reproduction of Piil Pesenggri still being based on its own basic values such as Pesenggiri, nemui nyimah, nengah nyappor, juluk adok, dan sakai sambayan. Contextually, Piil Pesenggiri become a strategy to manifested their existence as Lampung ethnic and it also used to change the stereotype that immigrants pinned to them with a new value such as (a) changing the work ethic that has been known so low that they are often associated with lazy, less ductile, weak competitiveness, and human resources are still limited; (b) are not stuck with the romance of the past as a landlord; (c) re-interpretation of the titles of nobility (juluk buadek) which has been become the pride and purpose to be achieved in the internal structure so that could be received in the external structure; (d) Piil Pesenggiri become an ethnic identity and politics identity. Piil Pesenggiri is a way of life how ethnic Lampung have to act and behave. For them, Piil Pesenggiri is an identity or reflects the identity so that their existence is recognized and valued in relation to immigrants. In order to confirm their identity as Lampung ethnics, then the actions and strategies they are doing is building a network through the structure of society, also using the idiom of kinship as a strategy to deal with the migrants so that their existence as an ethnic Lampung still got appreciation in accordance with the values of honour that contained in Piil Pesenggiri."

"The dramatic change in some important aspects of this country after the collapse of New Order Regime, primarily in the political aspect, provided larger opportunity to Indonesian Chinese in constructing their real identity, included to the Indonesian Chinese Muslim. In one hand, Indonesian Chinese Muslim tended to re-strengthen their cultural identity shown by articulating some features of their ethnic identity, and they show more the involvement in developing discourse of national building and the life of majority group by using their Islamic identity in the other hand. At this point, they then could not be categorized as ?peranakan? and ?totok?, the binary category which is often used to refer to the asimilated and unasimilated Chinese into the cultural system practized by the native majority. After the state launched the new regulation of citizenship No. 12/2006, they were then positioned by the state as the ?real? citizen who had the same civil rights before the law as well as the other groups. The implication of this legacy in the social and cultural context is that they then developed the inclusive identity, such as absorbing the categories and features of identity of other group, involved in the activities of majority group, and occupied the same kind of majority group profession, until they felt that those had become part of their own identity. By sharing their identity with non-Muslim Chinese and majority group, they could take a strategic role as cultural mediators, political brokers and bridge builders."

"This article is dedicated to the late Prof. Koentjaraningrat. It attempts to trace the history and the source of a concept and method used by Koentjaraningrat in a research and many of his speeches in the period of 1960-70s. The concept is called 'orientasi nilai-budaya'. The author finds that the concept was borrowed from the concept 'value orientation' used by Florence Kluckhohn and Fred Strodbeck, which was printed in their book, Variations in Value Orientation (1961). The concept 'value orientation', was originally stems from the concept 'value', which was once developed by Clyde Kluckhohn, the husband of Florence Kluckhohn, at Harvard University USA. This explanation, according to the author, is important for the student of anthropology in Indonesia. In the final of the article, the author attempts to apply the concept to the socio-cultural changes in contemporary Indonesia, particularly among the members of Islamic community."