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"ABSTRAKPasar Bersama Uni Eropa terbentuk dengan tujuan adanya perdagangan bebas di antara negara anggota. Hal tersebut mengantarkan Eropa pada masa kejayaan ekonomi, khususnya Prancis berada pada masa Les Trente Glorieuses. Kejayaan Pasar Bersama akhirnya mengalami banyak hambatan saat negara-negara Arab menghentikan impor minyak ke Eropa tahun 1973. Saat itu pula terjadilah La Crise Petroliere atau krisis minyak yang berdampak krisis ekonomi besar-besaran di Eropa. Banyak pabrik dan industri yang ditutup karena terjadi resesi ekonomi. Hal tersebut secara otomatis menghambat progres Pasar Bersama. Oleh karena itu Pasar Bersama harus direvisi menjadi Pasar Tunggal. Dalam merevisi integrasi pasar tersebut, Prancis memiliki peran penting yang diwakili oleh Val ry Giscard D rsquo;Estaing, Presiden Prancis pada masa itu. Ia menyumbangkan sejumlah kebijakan demi keberlangsungan Pasar Bersama dan Eropa yang kemudian terciptalah mata uang tunggal Euro, Dewan Eropa, dan juga Bank Sentral Eropa.

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ABSTRACTEU Common Market was formed with the goal of free trade among country members. This led Europe to the heyday of the economy, particularly during the French Les Trente Glorieuses. The triumph of the Common Market ultimately faced many obstacles later when Arab countries had to stop the oil imports to Europe in 1973. During that time, there arose La crise Petroliere or oil crisis impacting massive economic crisis in Europe. Many factories and industries were closed due to the economic recession. It automatically impeded the progress of the Common Market. Therefore, the Common Market should be revised to the Single Market. In revising the integration of those markets, France has an important role represented by Val ry Giscard D 39 Estaing, the President of France at that time. He contributed a number of policies for the continuation of the European Common Market which later created the single currency Euro, European Council, and also the European Central Bank.Keywords EU Common Market the oil crisis of 1973 the economic recession the policy of Val ry Giscard D 39 Estaing"

"Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menunjukkan peran Nicolas Sarkozy semasa menjadi Presiden Prancis (2007-2012) dalam proses negosiasi keanggotaan Turki di Uni Eropa mengingat Sarkozy telah menyatakan sikapnya secara tegas dalam proses keanggotaan Turki. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode penelitian sejarah dengan menggunakan sumber data sekunder. Data sekunder dianalisis dengan menggunakan teori ideologi dari Louis Althusser. Penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa Sarkozy berperan dalam menghambat proses negosiasi keanggotaan Turki di Uni Eropa melalui sejumlah tindakan yang ia lakukan. Dengan teori ideologi Althusser ditunjukkan bahwa alasan penolakan dan tindakan Sarkozy dalam proses negosiasi keanggotaan Turki di Uni Eropa adalah karena ideologi yang dimilikinya.

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This thesis has a purpose to show Sarkozy’s role as French President (2007-2012) in Turkish accession negotiation process to European Union taking into consideration that Sarkozy has emphasized his position related to this issue. This thesis uses historical research method and secondary data. Seconday data were analyzed by applying ideological theory of Louis Althusser. This thesis conclude that Sarkozy has an important role to decelerate the process of Turkish accession to European Union. Through ideological analysis by Althusser, it turns out that the reasons and the acts reflecting Sarkozy's rejection to Turkish accession were due to political ideology."

"ABSTRAKIn the Treaty of Rome 1957, agriculture sector has been recognized as an important feature regarding its strategic values, such as the natural factor with its major role, food endurance and its susceptibility toward competitive pressures although its contributions on economics declined.On 30 July 1962, Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) was introduced after three years of negotiations in line with the mechanism settlement and its organizations as a whole. Various agricultural problems in member states were the causes of the difficulties in achieving agreements on CAP mechanism.Protectionism through market mechanism (price intervention and subsidies) which tried improving the welfare of farmers was the central focus of CAP. But as time goes, this mechanism burdens the European Union's budget. The EU's budget allocation to CAP in 1990 was almost 60% which lead to debates between France and United Kingdom on Budgeting 2007-2013. The EU's enlargement in 2004 was also a cause that burdens the budget. Other factors are the demand from the international trade regulations in GATT, then WTO which tried to establish international trade liberalization through reducing protectionism such as reducing tariffs and subsidies. Various requests on environment conservations, rural development and biotechnology improvement were backgrounds of Mac Sharry Reformations, Agenda 2000 and Reformation 2003.Pros and Cons on CAP within the European Unions didn't affect the EU's integration because of the common perspectives on uniting Europe as a whole. Less debates within the CAP would shift the focus on external issues therefore strengthen the international positions of EU. But even though EU is powerful enough, deadlock against United States would still remain.These days international trade is already relative free where barriers in trade are declined. Therefore CAP is no longer a relevant issue. It can block the international trade liberalization because the protectionism still exists. It will be a difficult task for the European Union to completely remove CAP because of its importance for the member states. Currently the European Union is only able to reduce its protection value in phase."

"Multilingualism in EU is a state of affairs emerged as a range of different languages encounter one another. The history of European integration and the course of language policy in EU show that there is no policy on the language of EU. Issues related to language regulate themselves to practical tenets. This is what is identified as laissez-faire policy model. The putting into practice of this laissez-faire policy model in EU has significant implications to French language. They are closely correlated with the question of power. France, as a member-state having a vital role and strong leadership character in integration, perceives this circumstance as a form of threat against the strength and the popularity of its language.Situations of multilingualism and language policy belong to one theoretical framework of sociolinguistics study and come into surface alongside political thinking_ One of the sociolinguistics scholars is Pierre Bourdieu, who suggests diverse concepts; among them are champ, capital, habitus, ilhrsio, libido and symbolique violance. Bourdieu develops sociology theory and associates it with other studies, such as media, literature, and politics. The study on Ianguage policy in ELI in this thesis applies the approaches put forward by Bourdieu. EU has been an arena of political interest struggle (champ) to two key member states i.e. France and the UK. Both states engage in the champ and draw on different capital. Language policy is the primary factor determining the dissemination and reinforcement of French language. France has vigorously promoted its language by employing massive policies on language and culture. Nevertheless, the results of these efforts cannot go beyond the popularity of English in EU, which in this case is influenced by the factors of economy, culture, and politics.There is in fact another factor that determines the dissemination and reinforcement of English language, i.e_ the factor of the U.S. soft power. This thesis uses the concepts of power proposed by Joseph Nye Jr as well. Nye Jr defines soft power as an ability to gain what is desired by means better than force or money. English has ties to the economic system and global network dominated by the U.S. English itself is an integral part of globalization. The power of globalization becomes a habitus which at the end supports the dissemination and reinforcement of English language. The government of the UK does not need to carry out massive efforts similar to the ones done by the French government to elevate its language on top of language hierarchy. If hierarchy of language is regarded as something that is proper and natural, the acknowledgment of one single dominant language will easily take place. English will easily become the lingua franca of EU. EU's language policy which regulates to practical tenets will turn English into the de facto dominant language. This condition can eventually deteriorate EU's slogan of united in diversity_ The challenge for EU now lies on the ways of how to manage and regulate issues concerning language to strengthen the slogan without having to diminish the national identity of its member states."

"Tesis ini meneliti bagaimana liputan media tentang krisis imigran di Italia dan Spanyol memengaruhi proses decision-making kebijakan penanganan imigran kedua negara tersebut. Tesis ini memiliki dua tujuan penelitian: (1) menjelaskan bagaimana media Italia dan Spanyol melakukan representasi diskursif aktor-aktor politik dalam krisis imigran di negara mereka dan (2) menelaah hubungan antara representasi aktor-aktor politik tersebut dan proses pengambilan keputusan (decision-making) kebijakan penanganan imigran di negaranya masing-masing. Menerapkan teori analisis wacana kritis sosiosemantik Theo van Leeuwen dan pendekatan konstruktivisme Alexander Wendt, publikasi daring dua surat kabar terbesar Italia (Corriere della Sera, La Repubblica) dan Spanyol (El País, El Mundo) antara tahun 2014 dan 2016 dianalisis. Hasil analisis menunjukkan bahwa representasi diskursif aktor-aktor politik dalam masing-masing surat kabar mencerminkan kecenderungan ideologis mereka, di mana pemberitaan cenderung menekankan perbedaan antara “kita” (Uni Eropa dan pemerintah) dan “mereka” (para pencari suaka) serta meniadakan kemanusiaan para pencari suaka. Kecenderungan ideologis dari representasi aktor-aktor politik keempat surat kabar itu sendiri merupakan cerminan bagaimana Italia dan Spanyol memandang krisis imigran Eropa sebagai ancaman terhadap identitas nasional mereka. Dengan bantuan media massa, Italia dan Spanyol melakukan sekuritisasi terhadap krisis imigran Eropa untuk “membujuk publik agar setuju” mengambil tindakan-tindakan yang tegas, ekstrem, dan terkadang melanggar hukum dalam menghadapi ketidakstabilan dan ketidakpastian krisis. Selain itu, dalam konteks integrasi Eropa, konflik “kita” versus “mereka” menjadi sebuah bukti akan kurangnya solidaritas di antara negara-negara anggota dan naiknya kepopuleran populisme serta nasionalisme individu, sehingga hal ini mengundang pertanyaan mengenai rapuhnya Uni Eropa sebagai proyek integrasi.

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This thesis investigates how media coverage of the European refugee crisis in Italy and Spain influences policymakers’ decisions on how to deal with asylum seekers and refugees in both countries. Two research objectives are outlined as the foundation of the thesis: (1) to explain how political actors in the refugee crisis are represented in the Italian and Spanish press, and (2) to investigate the relationship between the political actors’ discursive representations and their countries’ immigration policy decision-making process. Online publications about the European refugee crisis from two mainstream news agencies in Italy (Corriere della Sera, La Repubblica) and Spain (El País, El Mundo) between 2014 and 2016 are analyzed using Theo van Leeuwen’s sociosemantic approach of critical discourse analysis and Alexander Wendt’s constructivist approach. The findings of the thesis reveal that each newspaper’s discursive representations of political actors are in accordance to their ideological tendencies, with the news emphasizing the divide between “us” (the European Union and the government) and “them” (asylum seekers) and erasing asylum seekers’ humanity. The ideological tendencies in the four newspapers’ representation of political actors reveal how Italy and Spain perceive the European refugee crisis as a danger to their national identity. With the help of mass media, Italy and Spain securitize the European refugee crisis in order to “persuade the public to consent” to take bold, radical, and sometimes law-breaking measures in dealing with the crisis’ instability and uncertainty. In addition, the “us” against “them” conflict in the context of European integration reflects a lack of cooperation among member states, as well as the rising appeal of populism and individual nationalism, creating concerns about the European Union’s viability as an integration project."

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Nama                         : Megan Anglingsari Raritra Intanti

Program Studi             : Ilmu Hubungan Internasional

Judul                          : Kebijakan Luar Negeri Uni Eropa

Pembimbing                : Dr. phil. Yandry Kurniawan

 

Kajian Analisis Kebijakan Luar Negeri atau FPA telah menjadi bidang studi independen dalam ilmu hubungan internasional sejak tahun 1950an. Fokus FPA terhadap proses pengambilan keputusan kebijakan luar negeri dianggap telah berhasil menjawab permasalahan studi HI yang cenderung menciptakan jarak antara politik domestik dan internasional. Menariknya, klaim bahwa FPA telah inklusif menuai kritik diantara cendekia Eropa, khususnya dalam pembahasan kebijakan luar negeri Uni Eropa. Maka dari itu, tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menunjukkan bagaimana literatur menempatkan kebijakan luar negeri Uni Eropa diantara kajian FPA. Dalam rangka mencapai tujuan tersebut, penulis menyusun 96 total temuan literatur dengan akreditasi internasional dalam empat kategori tema, yaitu: (1) konsep kebijakan luar negeri Uni Eropa; (2) institusionalisasi kebijakan luar negeri Uni Eropa; (3) Uni Eropa sebagai aktor; dan (4) lingkup kawasan kebijakan luar negeri Uni Eropa. Upaya tinjauan literatur menghasilkan beberapa temuan seperti konsensus, perdebatan, dan kesenjangan terkait topik ini. Selain itu, tulisan ini juga menelusuri tren tema literatur, persebaran penulis, serta tren persebaran paradigmatik. Berangkat dari kondisi tersebut, tulisan ini berhasil menyingkap fakta bahwa FPA belum menjadi perspektif yang umum digunakan dalam mengkaji kebijakan luar negeri Uni Eropa. Meskipun begitu, tulisan ini tidak menemukan literatur yang menolak keberadaan kebijakan luar negeri Uni Eropa. Tulisan ini akan ditutup dengan penjabaran sejumlah rekomendasi untuk penelitian selanjutnya yang meliputi perluasan paradigmatik khususnya FPA dan pendekatan kritis, serta topik-topik yang belum banyak terbahas tetapi cukup relevan dengan kondisi empirik kebijakan luar negeri Uni Eropa.

 

 

 

Kata kunci:

Analisis Kebijakan Luar Negeri, Uni Eropa, kebijakan luar negeri Uni Eropa, European Foreign Policy, hubungan eksternal Uni Eropa, EPC, CFSP

 

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Name                        : Megan Anglingsari Raritra Intanti

Study Program           : International Relations

Title                          : European Union’s Foreign Policy

Counsellor                 : Dr. phil. Yandry Kurniawan

 

Foreign Policy Analysis or FPA has been developed as an independent field of international relations (IR) studies since the 1950s. FPA’s primary focus on foreign policy decision making processes is considered to have successfully answered IR studies problem which tends to create a gap between domestic and international politics. Interestingly, the claim that FPA has been inclusive drawn criticism among European scholars, particularly in the discussion of the EU's foreign policy. Therefore, this paper aims to explain how literature interpret EU’s foreign policy among FPA studies. In order to achieve this goal, the authors compiled 96 total international accreditation literature within four categories of themes, namely: (1) the concept of EU’s foreign policy; (2) institutionalization of EU’s foreign policy; (3) European Union as an actor; and (4) regional scope of the EU’s foreign policy. This literature review has resulted in several findings such as consensus, debates, and gaps related to this topic. In addition, this paper also traces the literature trend, distribution of authors’ origin, as well as the paradigmatic trend. Based on these conditions, this paper was successfully revealed the fact that FPA is not a mainstream perspective in studying EU’s foreign policy. Even so, this paper didn’t identify scholar that rejects the idea of EU’s foreign policy. This paper will conclude with some recommendations for further research including paradigmatic diversification, especially FPA and a critical approach, as well as topics that rarely discussed but are quite relevant to the empirical conditions of EU’s foreign policy.

 

 

 

Keywords:

Foreign Policy Analysis, European Union, European Foreign Policy, EU Foreign Policy, EU External Relations, EPC, CFSP

 

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"Kebijakan Social Solidarity Economy dan Green Economy merupakan suatu kebijakan terobosan yang menghasilkan lapangan pekerjaan lebih banyak serta meningkatkan nilai dan pertumbuhan ekonomi setiap tahun dengan mempertahankan kualitas lingkungan, seperti rendah karbon, perubahan iklim, hemat sumber daya, dan inklusif secara sosial. Pertumbuhan ekonomi yang berkelanjutan dicapai melalui teknologi lingkungan hijau untuk menjaga dan mengembalikan kualitas lingkungan dan integritas ekologis, sementara berusaha memenuhi kebutuhan semua orang dengan dampak lingkungan serendah mungkin. Ini adalah strategi yang berupaya memaksimalkan output ekonomi (PDB) dengan meminimalkan ekologis. Sebagai negara anggota Uni Eropa, Jerman dan Prancis menerapkan kebijakan Social Solidarity Economy dan Green Economy yang mempengaruhi signifikan pada perekonomian di negaranya. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini ialah metode kualitatif dan kuantitatif dengan pendekatan ekonomi dan hubungan internasional. Adapun teori yang dipakai sebagai instrumen analisis ialah teori Hijau yang dikemukakan oleh Robyn Eckersley baik yang menggunakan perspektif Hubungan Internasional, maupun ekonomi dan teori ekonomi lingkungan dari Robert Solow dan teori ekonomi sirkular oleh Ellen MacArthur.

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The Social Solidarity Economy and Green Economy policies are breakthrough policies that generate more jobs and increase value and economic growth every year while maintaining environmental quality, such as low carbon, climate change, saving resources, and being socially inclusive. Sustainable economic growth is achieved through green environmental technology to maintain and restore environmental quality and ecological integrity, while trying to meet the needs of all people with the lowest possible environmental impact. This is a strategy that seeks to maximize economic output (GDP) by minimizing ecology. As a member of the European Union, Germany and France have implemented Social Solidity Economy and Green Economy policies which have a significant influence on the economy of the country. The method used in this study is a qualitative and quantitative method with an economic approach and international relations. The theory used as an instrument of analysis is the Green theory put forward by Robyn Eckersley both using the perspective of International Relations, as well as economics and environmental economics theory from Robert Solow and circular economic theory by Ellen MacArthur."

"Dalam upaya menjaga lingkungan, Uni Eropa memberlakukan peraturan Renewable Energy Directive 2018/2001 (RED II). Gagasan perubahan penggunaan lahan tidak langsung (ILUC), yang membatasi perdagangan minyak sawit mentah (CPO) sementara barang domestik setara lainnya bebas dari pengurangan tersebut, akan menjadi area utama di mana penulis menilai bagaimana RED II diskriminatif terhadap perdagangan Indonesia. dari CPO. Indonesia meminta WTO untuk menyelidiki apakah RED II sesuai dengan komitmen internasional yang digariskan dalam WTO setelah kebijakan ini diumumkan. Penulis akan mengkaji non-diskriminasi berdasarkan hukum WTO, terutama berdasarkan persyaratan Pasal 2.1, 2.2 Technical Barriers to Trade (TBT) serta Pasal I:1 dan III:4 General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) 1994 bersama dengan kasus hukum WTO terkait. Dengan menggunakan data sekunder dan sumber pustaka, dalam penelitian ini digunakan teknik yuridis-normatif. Kesimpulan dari analisis ini menunjukkan bahwa RED II melanggar kewajiban non-diskriminasi berdasarkan GATT dan TBT karena memperlakukan item yang sebanding secara berbeda, yang menghasilkan perlakuan yang kurang menguntungkan dan kemungkinan persaingan yang tidak merata untuk CPO.

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In an effort to safeguard the environment, the European Union enacted the Renewable Energy Directive 2018/2001 (RED II) regulation. The idea of indirect land use change (ILUC), which restricts trade toward crude palm oil (CPO) while other domestically equivalent goods are free from such reduction, will be the main area in which the authors assess how RED II is discriminatory toward Indonesian trade of CPO. Indonesia asked the WTO to investigate whether RED II complies with the international commitments outlined in the WTO after this policy was announced. The author will examine non-discrimination under WTO law, especially based on the requirements of Articles 2.1, 2.2, of the Technical Barriers to Trade as well as Articles I: 1 and III:4 of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) 1994, along with pertinent WTO case law. Using secondary data and library resources, the juridical-normative technique is being used for this research. The conclusion of this analysis demonstrates that RED II does break the non-discrimination duties based on GATT and TBT since it treats comparable items differently, which results in less favorable treatment and uneven possibilities for competition for CPO."

"Penelitian ini membahas bagaimana Kebijakan Pertanian Bersama berpengaruh pada kesejahteraan petani Prancis. Kesejahteraan para petani Eropa dilihat dari statistik pendapatan tahunan pada periode 2009-2012. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif. Sumber data adalah regulasi yang diimplementasikan oleh Uni Eropa. Penelitian ini berkesimpulan bahwa dengan penerapan Kebijakan Pertanian Bersama, suatu kebijakan yang mengambil 45% dari pengeluaran tahunan Uni Eropa, para petani Prancis berada di dalam kesejahteraan finansial.

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This study discusses how the Common Agricultural Policy affects the welfare of French farmers seen from the annual income statistic in the period of 2009-2012. This study uses qualitative methods where the data source is the regulations published and implemented by the European Union. The conclusion of this study is that the implementation of the Common Agricultural Policy, a policy that takes up 45% of the EU budget (annual expenditure), gives financial well-being to the French farmers."