Hasil Pencarian  ::  Simpan CSV :: Kembali

"This article focuses on the Korean views of China in 1896&ndash1910, when Korea was nolonger dependent on the crisis-ridden Qing dynasty and was struggling with thesame modernization tasks as China. Although Korean views of China in that periodwere alike in that they were underpinned by the modernist paradigm, they differedin accordance with the political and intellectual standpoints of different observers. Allthe differences notwithstanding, most newspapers in Korea in the late 1900s carriedthe news on the Chinese revolutionary activities, so that the name of Sun Yat-sen waswell known in Korea even before the Xinhai Revolution of 1911&ndash12. This preexistingknowledge of the Chinese revolutionary movement laid the foundation for the futureparticipation of a number of the Korean nationalist emigres in the Xinhai Revolution.It was also a harbinger of the close cooperation between Korea&rsquos emigres and theGuomindang (Chinese Nationalist Party) in the late 1920s&ndash30s"

"This essay analyzes some details of the historical context and political meaning of the concept of humanitas. In particular, it discusses how to appreciate Cicero&rsquos humanitas in terms of the politics of the late Roman republic. For this, I demonstrate that Cicero used humanitas with two meanings: (a) as a technical term for the liberal arts, and (b) as a civil education program. Based on this, I conclude that Cicero&rsquos humanitasprogram as a civil-education program was designed for uniting the Roman state, integrating the Roman citizen, and thus rescuing the res publica of Rome from its destruction. The quintessence of Cicero&rsquos humanitas-program was thus an attempt to revitalize Roman politics. Cicero&rsquos humanitas was indeed a kind of weapon with which to fight the absolute rule of a tyrant or dictator, even though it was not efficient or practical in securing the republic or democracy in the modern sense against its immediate invaders. However, it was and is a long-term program, because it is a base camp for democracy and a primary defensive measure against violence"

"This essay analyzes the greenbelt controversy in South Korea, triggered during thegreenbelt revision process in 1999. Drawing on Lefebvre&rsquos theory of the productionof space, it examines how Korean greenbelts were produced both as abstractand social spaces, and how they were appropriated by different groups involvedin the controversy. The case study shows that the contestations over greenbeltswere not only material but also symbolic and discursive processes where differentimaginations of, as well as interests in, land and nature competed. Deconstructingthe diverse discourses of greenbelts and highlighting their complexity, this essaychallenges the dichotomy implicit in new social movement theories, which tends toassume defensiveness as the basic nature of progressive collective actions againstcolonizing efforts by globally operating forces. Instead, it decouples defensivenessand progressive politics, and suggests that local contexts shape diverse paths ofcollective actions."

"ABSTRACTThis article tries to explain how misperception can trigger conflict between countries. The article would employ spiral model of conflict proposed by Robert Jervis as a theoretical framework to scrutinize contemporary US and Chinese contemporary competition. As a result, this paper shows how threat assessment could trigger a spiral of conflict through states tendency to overestimate threat level and its failure to perceive that defensive behavior can be interpreted as offensive by the belligerent. Based on this analysis, the probability of conflicts can be reduced as each country tries to comprehend motivations that drive other behavior, perceptions and reactions that might arise as a result of the strategic empathy."