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"Tesis ini membahas perbedaan pandangan politik antara al-Azhar dan Ikhwanul Muslimin dalam kudeta terhadap Presiden Mohammad Morsi pada 3 Juli 2013 lalu, pembahasan ini menjadi menarik karena al-Azhar sebagai lembaga keagamaan yang paling berpengaruh di dunia Islam pada umumnya dan Mesir pada khususnya, ikut mendukung kudeta militer yang dipimpin oleh Jenderal Abdul Fattah al-Sisi terhadap Morsi, presiden Mesir pertama yang terpilih secara demokratis dan juga diusung oleh gerakan Islam terbesar di abad 21 yaitu Ikhwanul Muslimin. Selain itu karena belum ada penelitian yang secara khusus membahas perbedaan dua lembaga ini dalam kudeta terhadap presiden Mursi. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif causal explanation, yaitu penelitian yang berusaha untuk menjelaskan penyebab dari fenomena yang diamati. Adapun metode analisis data yang akan dipakai penulis dalam penelitian ini ialah analisis isi yaitu analisis data yang dilakukan melalui kajian-kajian terhadap berbagai dokumen yang berkaitan dengan topik penelitian. Untuk mendapatkan data yang akan dianalisis, penulis menggunakan metode pengumpulan data berupa studi pustaka.Tujuan peneletian ini ada dua; teoritis dan praktis. Secara teoritis memberikan kontribusi ilmiah bagi aplikasi teori dengan kerangka konseptual mengenai gerakan Islam, demokrasi dan persatuan Islam. Dan secara praktis, tesis ini diharapkan memberikan rekomendasi ilmiah berupa kerangka kerjasama antara gerakan Islam atau antara negara dan lembaga-lembaga Islam.Juga diharapkan menjadi kontribusi bagi kehidupan beragama dan bernegara di Indonesia sebagai negara muslim berpenduduk terbesar di dunia, dengan menjadikan lembaga-lembaga agama sebagai asset negara dan pendukung nasionalisme.

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This thesis discusses the political differences between al-Azhar and the Muslim Brotherhood in a coup against President Mohammed Morsi on July 3, 2013. The discussion becomes interesting because of al-Azhar as one of the most influntial religious institutions in the Islamic world in general and Egypt in particular, supporting the military coup led by General Abdul Fattah al-Sisi against Morsi, the first president of Egypt's who was democratically elected and also promoted by the largest Islamic movement in the 21st century, namely the Muslim Brotherhood. There is no studies that specifically addresses the differences between these two institutions in a coup against the president Mursi.

This study used qualitative methods named causal explanation, the research seeks to explain the causes of the observed phenomena. The method of data analysis will be used in this research is the analysis of the content. Analysis of the content is the data analysis was done through studies of various documents related to the research topic. To get the data, the author uses the method of data collection in the form of literature.

There are two purposes of this study; theoretical and practical. Theoretically, this study hopefully will provide scientific contributions to the conceptual framework of the Islamic movement, democracy and unity of Islam. Practically, this thesis is expected to provide scientific recommendations in the form of a framework of cooperation between the Islamic movement or between the state and Islamic institutions. This research is also expected to be a contribution to the religion and state in Indonesia as the country with the largest number of Muslim population in the world, by making the religious institutions as the country's assets and nationalism."

"ABSTRAKTesis ini membahas pro dan kontra sosialisasi politik pemcrintahan Husni Mubarak di al-Azhar. Penclitian ini adalah pcnclitian kualitatif dengan desain deskriptifi Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa hampir semua sistem pendidikan di Mesir dikontrol oleh Negara dan dijaclikan alat pelanggcngan kekuasaan pemerintahan Husni Mubarak. Sosialisasi politik Husni Mubarak dilakukan melalui kontrol terhadap kurikulum pendidikan, dan lebih khususnya lagi melalui pendidikan kewargaan (civic education) yang diajarkan satu jam dalam scminggu pada sckolah mcnengah. Tcrkait dcngan materi-materi pendidikan agama, pemerintah Husni Mubarak melalui Kementezian Pendidikan Mcsir mengontrol dan mengarahkan supaya dalam pembelajarannya berorientasi pada pcrsatuan nasional, karcna pendidikan dimasukan dalam isu keamanan nasional. Di perguruan tinggi-perguruan tinggi Mesir, pemerintah Husni Mubarak melakukan rcfrcsi akademik-dalam upaya penanaman orientasi politiknya-melalui mangan kelas, lapangan penelitian, dan sensor buku. Sebagai lembaga pendidikan yang tertua di Mesir, bahkan di dunia Islam, al-Azhar memiiiki peran yang signiiikan dalam kehidupan politik dan sosial masyarakat Mcsir, karcnanya ia mcnjadi suluh satu agen sosialisasi politik pemerintahan Husni Mubarak.Sosialisasi politik pemerintahan Husni Mubarak di al-Azhar mcndapat tantangan dari kelompok oposisi temtama kelompok lkhwanul Muslimn yang khawatir akan terseretnya kuiikulurn dan tekbook al-Azhar yang mcngarah kepada sekuler, dan pada akhimya akun menghilangkan indcpendensi al-Azhar schingga melemahkan otoritas keagamaan al-Azhar. Orientasi politik menjadi faktor pcnycbab pro dan kontra sosialisasi politik. Semakin al-Azhar tidak indcpcndcn akan scmakin mudah pcmerintahan Husni Mubarak untuk melakukan politisasi al- Azhar, sebaliknya semakin al-Azhar indcpcndcn akan semakin sulit pemerintah Husni Mubarak untuk mclakukan politisasi al-Azhar.Hasil pcnclitian ini mcnyarankan kcpada al-Azhar umuk memperkuat independensi al-Azhar denganmeminta dikembalikannya pengelolaan wakafsecara penuh kepada al-Azhar, scrta pemilihan Syekh al-Azhar dilakukan olch para ulama senior al-Azhar bukan sepeni saat ini yang, dipilih oleh Prcsidcn. Kcpada pemerintahan Mesir supaya mengeluarkan aturan bam yzuig mcncabut aturan launa tentang pendidikan al-Azhar lcrkuil dcngan pcmilihan Syckh al-Azhar.

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ABSTRACThis thesis will be focussed at pro`s and C0l.lI1°S of political socialization of the government of Husni Mubarak in al-Azhar. This research is qualitative rescarch with descriptive design. Research result indicates that most of all education system in Egypt controlled by State and made by appliance of continuity power of the govemment Husni Mubarak. Political socialization of llusni Mubarak govemment is done through control to education curriculum, and more specially again passed education of citizen (civic education) which one taught hour clock within a week at high school. Related to matter education of religions, the government of Husni Mubarak pass Ministry of education of Egypt control and point so that in the study orient at national association, because education is national security issue. In Egyptian universities, the govemment of Husni Mubarak repress in academic freedom-an effort cultivation of his political orientation-using classroom, research, and censorship of course books. As lslam?s most prestigious institute of teaming, al-Azhar have role which significant in life of politics and social of Egypt public, hence he become one of political socialization agent of llusni Mubarak government.Political socialization ofthe govemment of Husni Mubarak in al-Azhar get challenge from group of opposition especially group of Ikhwanul Muslimin partying to the curriculum drag of and textbook al-Azhar instructing to secular, and in the end will eliminate iudependency al-Azhar causing weaken religious authority al-Azhar. Political orientation become the cause of pro?s and coun?s of political socialization. During system govemment of authority Egypt hence al- Azhar will continuously become agent of government of political socialization. Progressively al-Azhar is not be independent would progressively easy the government of Husni Mubarak to do politicking of al-Azhar, on the contrary progressively al-Azhar is independent would progressively difficult the government of Husni Mubarak for doing politicking al-Azhar.This research result suggest to al-Azhar for strengthening independency al-Azhar by asking for to retum it the management waqf fully to al-Azhar, and also election of Syckh al-Azhar done by of seniors inoslem scholars (ultima) al-Azhar are not like in this time selected by President. The Egypt govemment so that spend new order abstracting old order conceming education. of al-Azhar related to election of Syckh al-Azhar."

"Revolusi yang terjadi di Mesir tahun 2011 membawa gelombang demokratisasi di Mesir. Hal ini juga memberikan kesempatan bagi kelompok Ikhwanul Muslimin yang selama ini direpresi oleh pemerintah untuk tampil dalam politik melalui partainya Freedom and Justice Party (FJP). Melalui pemilu 2012, FJP mampu memperoleh suara hingga 45 persen dan kandidat presidennya Muhammad Mursi terpilih menjadi presiden dengan perolehan suara sebesar 51,7 persen. Namun sayangnya demokratisasi yang terjadi di Mesir hanya berlangsung sesaat. Pada tanggal 3 Juli 2013 militer melakukan kudeta terhadap Mursi. Kudeta yang terjadi di Mesir merupakan bentuk dari lemahnya kontrol sipil terhadap militer. Mursi gagal melakukan kontrol terhadap militer sehingga ia tidak bisa mencegah tindakan militer yang menurunkannya secara paksa melalui jalan kudeta. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui faktor-faktor apa yang mempengaruhi hubungan sipil militer di masa kepemimpinan Mursi dan bagaimana faktor-faktor tersebut menyebabkan lemahnya kontrol sipil terhadap militer sehingga menyebabkan terjadi kudeta militer. Penelitian ini menggunakan beberapa teori, diantaranya adalah teori hubungan sipil militer, teori tentara pretorian, teori kudeta dan teori kepentingan internasional. Dalam tesis ini penulis menguraikan mengenai faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi kegagalan kontrol sipil terhadap militer sehingga menimbulkan kudeta. Faktor-faktor tersebut adalah; 1) Tipikal militer Mesir yang merupakan tentara pretorian dan doktrin yang dianut militer. 2) Kepentingan dan intervensi negara-negara asing terhadap Mesir. 3) Fragmentasi kelompok sipil di Mesir yang bersifat fratricidal (saling menjatuhkan).

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The revolution that occurred in Egypt in 2011 brought a wave of democratization in Egypt. It also provided an opportunity for the Muslim Brotherhood, which had been repressed by the government, to perform in politics through its political wing, the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP). Through the 2012 elections, the FJP was able to acquire up to 45 percent voice and its presidential candidate, Mohammed Mursi was elected president by a vote of 51.7 percent.

But unfortunately democratization in Egypt only lasted a moment. On July 3, 2013 the military staged a coup against Mursi. The coup happened in Egypt was a form of weak civilian control over the military. Mursi failed to exercise control over the military so a military coup was inevitable, forcing him into detention.

This study aims to determine the factors that affect civil-military relations during Mursi‟s administration and how these factors lead to lack of civilian control over the military that led to a military coup. This study uses several theories, including the theory of civil-military relations, theory of praetorian army, coup theory and theory of international interest.

In this thesis, the author outlines the factors affecting the failure of civilian control over the military, giving rise to a coup. These factors are; 1) Egypt praetorian military and the doctrine it adopted. 2) The interest and intervention of foreign countries on Egypt. 3) Fragmentation of civil groups in Egypt who are fratricidal, each against other."

"ABSTRAKSkripsi ini berfokus pada pembahasan mengenai perubahan strategi politik HusniMubarak dari eksklusi politik menuju inklusi politik di tahun 2000 dan sesudahnya.Krisis legitimasi yang dihadapi oleh Husni Mubarak diduga menjadi sebab terhadapperubahan strategi politik Husni Mubarak tersebut. Selain berfokus pada pembahasanmengenai perubahan strategi politik Husni Mubarak, penulis juga berfokus padaperolehan suara IM pada Pemilu Legislatif 2000 dan 2005. Melalui teori krisislegitimasi dan oposisi politik, penulis melihat bahwa inklusi politik Husni Mubarakdidasari atas krisis legitimasi yang ia hadapi. Inklusi politik tersebut pada akhirnyamembuka ruang bagi IM untuk meningkatkan perolehan suaranya di tahun 2000-2005.

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ABSTRACTThis thesis focuses on changing in Husni Mubarak political strategy from politicalexclusion to political inclusion in 2000 and post-2000. Legitimation crisis faced byHusni Mubarak is considered as a cause on his political strategy change. Moreover,this thesis also focuses on the rising of IM electoral gaining in Egypt ParliamentaryElection 2000 and 2005. By legitimation and political opposition theory, authorconsiders that Husni Mubarak’s political inclusion is based on crisis legitimationfaced by him. Finally, this inclusion has given political space for IM to increase itselectoral gaining in both parliamentary election."

"Kebijakan Qatar dalam mendukung Ikhwanul Muslimin menimbulkan krisis di kawasan Teluk. Sebelumnya, Arab Saudi dan anggota GCC (Gulf Cooperation Council) lainnya sepakat dalam Riyadh agreement untuk menetapkan Ikhwanul Muslimin sebagai organisasi terlarang. Namun, pada 2017 Qatar kembali untuk tidak mengindahkan kesepakatan yang telah disepakati bersama. Akibatnya, anggota-anggota GCC seperti Arab Saudi, Uni Emirat Arab (UEA), dan Bahrain menarik duta besarnya dari Qatar serta memblokade jalur baik darat, laut, dan udara. Blokade tersebut tentunya memiliki dampak pada Qatar terutama pada ekspor-impor, penerbangan, dan perbankan. Tesis ini menjawab mengenai mengapa Qatar mendukung Ikhwanul Muslimin dan menjelaskan jaringan Ikhwanul Muslimin dalam geopolitik Timur Tengah. Dalam menjawab penelitian, tesis ini menggunakan Analisis kebijakan luar negeri sebagai pisau analisis. Teori ini menjelaskan alasan dibalik kebijakan Qatar yang lebih memilih Ikhwanul Muslimin dibandingkan Arab Saudi dan aliansinya. Terdapat faktor eksternal dan internal yang mempengaruhi kebijakan Qatar dalam mendukung pergerakan Ikhwanul Muslimin.

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Qatar’s foreign policy of supporting the Muslim Brotherhood Organization resulted in a crisis in Gulf Region. Previously, Saudi Arabia and members of the GCC (Gulf Cooperation Council) had agreed in Riyadh Agreement to set the Muslim Brotherhood organization as forbidden. Nevertheless, in 2017 Qatar disobey the agreement have been signed together. As a result, GCC members like Saudi Arabia, Uni Arab Emirate, and Bahrain called their ambassadors from Qatar and blocked Qatar from land, sea, and airspace. This blockade has an impact on Qatar, especially in the export-imports sector, aviation sector, and banking sector. This Thesis will answer the questions about Qatar’s motive for supporting the Muslim Brotherhood organization and Muslim Brotherhood networks in the Middle East. This Thesis uses foreign policy analysis as a theoretical tool. Foreign policy analysis will explain Qatar’s foreign policy which chooses Muslim Brotherhood over Saudi Arabia and its gulf alliance. There are external factors and internal factors that influence Qatar’s foreign policy for supporting the Muslim Brotherhood organization."

"The research of this thesis aims to know the position of Ikhwanul Muslimin's movement which grows and develops in Egypt, track the genealogy and the history of Ikhwanul Muslimin, the concept and the movement as well as the prominent figures who have influence in the social political movement in Egypt. Besides describing the position of Ikhwanul Muslimin, the research also tries to reveal its influence to the social political changes in Kinanah.

In the research, the writer uses qualitative approach with descriptive study method through literature study and interview with experts in this field. One of the findings is that the influence of Ikhwanul Muslimin upon the social political changes in Egypt is very dominant through the interaction process of the prominent figures and the followers of Ikhwanul Muslimin with the Egyptian leaders.

Since its existence (1928), the political map in Egypt has entered new era. The policies of the leading authority in Egypt have experienced changes, rise and fall, because of their interaction with Ikhwanul Muslimin. The writer classifies the interaction between Ikhwanul Muslimin and the government of Egypt into two periods. They are pre-revolution and post-revolution.

First, was pre-revolution period. The encounter between Ikhwanul Muslimin and Egypt government were often colored by conspiracy, oppression, which later welcomed with demonstration and competition in fighting for power. Ahmad Mahir Pasha?s government frightened their rooted power, until they tried to hamper Ikhwan in election competition by counterfeiting the result of the election, hampering the candidates and arresting the Ikhwanul Muslimin's activists. The strict policy towards Ikhwan was also inherited by Ahmad Mahir Pasha's substitute, al-Nuqrasyi Pasha who suspected Ikhwan as the responsible one for the killing of Ahmad lvlahir Pasha. Al-Nugrasyi Paslia'policy had brought about demonstration by Ikhwanul Muslimin,which resulted in the stepping down of al-Nuqrasyi in February 15, 1946.

Looking at the two-generation leadership - Ahmad Mahir Pasha and al-Nuqrasy Pasha - which failed, Ismail Shidqi Pasha who replaced al-Nugrasyi attempted to accommodate the aspiration of Ikhwanul Muslimin. His leadership strategy was to approach Ikhwanul Muslimin and persuade its prominent figures to cooperate. This brought advantages to the government, but disadvantaged Ikhwanul Muslimin which got attack and slander from Wafd and Communist Parties. They also accused that Ikhwanul Muslimin was on the government side while they would always be critical towards the government's policy.

Second, post-revolution period. There were three government in Egypt that included Ikhwanul Muslimin in this post-revolution era; directly as well as indirectly, through confrontative radical interaction and also moderate one.

First, the era of Gamal Abdunnasser. Although Nasser and revolution got the support from Ikhwanul Muslimin at first, Ikhwanul Muslimin opposed it after it was proved that Nasser didn't intend to build Islamic country, and promoted nasionalism and socialism of secular Arab instead. When the relationship with IIkhwanul Muslimin became worse, sporadic war occurred between the government and the Ikhwanul Muslimin, which in many occasions turned out to be violence. Finally in 1966, Nasser decisively eradicated lkhwanul Muslimin until its roots, executed the main ideologist Sayyid Qutb and other figures, arrested and jailed thousands of people, and chased after other members that they hid or ran into exile. Before the end of Nasser period, the country had shackled religious institution and gagged Islamic opposition, including Ikhwanul Muslimin.

Second, Anwar Sadat era, who governed from 1971 to 1981, inherited Egypt from Nasser. He got the authority when Arab was beginning to get up from its fall in 1967 and after Nasser's death. Sadat realized this condition, so that he tried to form his own identity and political legitimating, taking advantage of Islam to eliminate Nasseris and left group. But, Sadat's accommodative policy didn't last long, authoritarian covered Sadat back and the eradication to his opponent was greater, including to those who criticized his home affair and foreign affair policies. This act reached a peak in 1981, when Sadat jailed more than 1500 people from all walks of life; Islamic activists, lawyers, doctors, journalists, lecturers, political opponents and previous governmental ministers. These restrains triggered the more radical Islamic opposition which finally culminated in the killing of Anwar Sadat, in November 3, 1981 by the followers of Jamaah Al-Jihad while he was visiting the military parade commemorating the 1973 war.

Third, Husni Mubarak, who was previously the vice president, filled in the position of president with new spirit and strategy. The style of President Muharak as well as the awakening of Islam experienced changes in the 80s after the death of Sadat. While the Islam awakening's style in 1970s revealed as confrontative and violent movement, in 1980s the Islamic movement entered the main stream and the organization of Islam activists.

Mubarak's policies were more careful, attempting political liberalization and tolerance, while at the same time he took quick and decisive action to those who wanted to use violence to oppose the government authority. He carefully separated religious opponents, political opponents, and direct threats to the country. Mubarak's government was more accommodative to its opponents, giving space for them to voice their aspiration. He thought that Ikhwanul Muslimin and other religious opponents were proves of Islam awakening, and also the search of their relation format with the country."

"Fase transisi Mesir diwarnai dengan menguatnya kekuatan Islam politik, terutama kelompok Salafi yang memperoleh suara yang cukup signifikan dalam pemilu parlemen Mesir yang digelar dalam bulan Desember 2011 hingga Januari 2012. Perolehan suara dalam Parlemen memberikan kesempatan kepada kelompok Salafi untuk merealisasikan pemikiran dan pandangan Salafisme kedalam realitas politik Mesir pasca revolusi. Fase transisi Mesir juga diwarnai dengan meningkatnya intensitas konflik antara kekuatan Islam politik, dalam hal ini adalah koalisi Ikhwanul Muslimin dan kekuatan politik Salafi, dengan faksi Nasionalis-Liberal dalam hal mempengaruhi arah transisi Mesir. Konflik antar elit politik juga memicu bentrokan di level grassroot yang menyebabkan situasi transisi Mesir menjadi semakin tidak menentu. Beberapa isu yang menjadi penyebab konflik adalah tentang amandemen konstitusi Mesir serta isu-isu berbau sektarian seperti perlindungan terhadap agama minoritas dan thariqah sufi, dimana kelompok Salafi memberikan perhatian lebih terhadap isu tersebut.Sementara itu al-Azhar, sebagai sebuah institusi pendidikan dan keagamaan Sunni yang cukup prestisius dikalangan masyarakat Mesir, mencoba untuk memberikan kontribusi bagi bangsa Mesir dengan memperlihatkan sikap serta menyumbangkan pandangan-pandangan terkait dengan bagaimana mengelola fase transisi. Sikap dan pandangan ulama al-Azhar termuat dalam beberapa dokumen yang dirilis oleh al-Azhar dimana dokumen-dokumen tersebut mendapatkan apresiasi dari beberapa kekuatan politik untuk menjadi inspirasi dan framework bagi amandemen konstitusi Mesir. Dalam hal ini muncul perbedaan pandangan yang cukup mendasar antara ulama al-Azhar dan kelompok Salafi tentang beberapa pasal dalam amandemen konstitusi Mesir serta perlindungan terhadap pemeluk agama minoritas dan thariqah sufisme.Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui bagaimana pandangan kelompok Salafi terkait dengan amandemen konstitusi Mesir dan perlindungan terhadap kelompok minoritas, serta bagaimana perbedaan pandangan ulama al-Azhar atas pandangan dan pergerakan kelompok Salafi terkait dengan isu-isu tersebut. Beberapa teori yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini meliputi teori tentang transisi, fundamentalisme Islam dan Islam moderat (wasathiyah), teori agama tentang kepatuhan terhadap pemimpin, serta peranan agama dalam perubahan sosial.Temuan dalam penelitian ini adalah terjadi perbedaan pandangan yang cukup mendasar antara ulama al-Azhar dan kelompok Salafi terkait dengan beberapa pasal dalam amandemen konstitusi Mesir, antara lain dalam pasal 1, 2, 4, serta pasal 219, dimana pasal-pasal tersebut mengatur hubungan antara agama dan negara. Selain itu muncul perbedaan pandangan antara ulama al-Azhar dan kelompok Salafi terkait dengan perlindungan dan perlakuan terhadap pemeluk agama minoritas dan thariqah sufi dimana selama fase transisi intensitas konflik antara kedua komunitas ini dengan kelompok Salafi semakin meningkat.

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Egypt's transition phase was marked by the strengthening the power of political Islam particularly the Salafi group that gained a significant vote in Egypt's parliamentary elections which held December 2011 until January 2012. The vote in Parliament provides the opportunity for salafi to realize the Salafism thoughts and views into the political realities of Egypt post-revolution. Egypt's transition phase is characterized by the increasing intensity of conflict between the forces of political Islam, in this case is a coalition of Muslim Brotherhood (Ikhwanul Muslimin) and Salafi political power against the Nationalist Liberal faction in terms of influencing the direction of Egypt's transition. Conflict between the political elite also sparked clashes in the grassroots level that causes the Egypt’s transition situation even more uncertain. Some of the issues that caused the conflict is about the Egyptian constitutional amendments and smelled sectarian issues such as protection of minorities and thariqah Sufi, which Salafi groups give more attention on this issue.

On the other side, al-Azhar University, as an educational institution and a fairly prestigious Sunni religious among the Egyptian people, try to contribute to the Egyptians by contributing insights related on how to manage the transition phase. Attitudes and insights of the scholars of al-Azhar contained in a document released by al-Azhar where these documents got such appreciation from some political forces to be an inspiration and a framework for the amendments to the Egyptian constitution. In this case, appears quite differences fundamental of view among scholars of al-Azhar and Salafi groups on several articles in the Egyptian constitutional amendments towards the protection of minority religious groups and tariqah Sufism.

This study aims to examine how the point of views of Salafist groups linked to the Egyptian constitutional amendments and the protection of minorities, and also the dissent of al-Azhar scholars on the view and the movement of Salafist groups linked to these issues. Some of theories used in this study include transition theories, Islamic fundamentalism and Islamic moderate (wasathiyah), the theory of adherence to religious leaders and the role of religion in social change.

The author found fundamental disagreement between the scholars of al-Azhar and Salafi groups linked to several articles in the Egyptian constitutional amendments, by the following article 1, 2, 4, and Article 219 where the following articles set the relationship between religion and the state. In addition, there is a difference of views between scholars of al-Azhar and Salafi groups linked to the protection and treatment to minorities and thariqah Sufi where conflict intensity of both groups increased during transition phase."

"Penelitian dalam tesis ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui posisi dua organisasi gerakan dakwah dan politik Islam, yaitu Ikhwanul Musalimin dan Partai Keadilan Sejahtera yang tumbuh dan berkembang di dua kawasan yang berbeda, khususnya yang berkaitan dengan isu relasi Islam dan negara. Selain mendeskripsikan posisi kedua organisasi diatas ditengah-tengah pemikiran politik Islam, penelitian ini jugs mencoba mengungkapkan pengaruh satu organisasi terhadap yang lainnya dalam kaitan pemikiran hubungan politik dan agama.Penelitian ini menggunakan metode diskriptif dengan pendekatan kualitatif melalui studi pustaka dan wawancara mendalam terhadap orang yang dianggap ahli dalam bidang yang diteliti serta berbagai sumber lainnya. Berrnula dari temuan akar permasalahan berupa perdebatan politik dalam Islam, kemudian mengungkapkan satu persatu dari dua organisasi yang diteliti dan proses pengaruh gerakan dakwah lkhwanul Muslimin terhadap Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, khususnya tentang masalah hubungan Islam dan negara.Temuan penelitian ini antara lain adalah, bahwa pengaruh Ikhwanul Muslimin terhadap Partai Keadilan Sejahtera sangat dominan melalui proses pemikiran yang dibawa oleh para alumni perguruan di Timur Tengah dan penerbitan buku terjemahan karya tokoh-tokoh Ikhwanul Muslimin yang kemudian banyak dijadikan materi kaderisasi Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, bahkan secara ekstrim bisa dikatakan bahwa PK-Sejahtera itu Ikhwanul Muslimin yang diindonesiakan, dalam artian dominasi tersebut sangat kental, namun disesuaikan dengan kondisi masyarakat Indonesia dan atau ditambah dengan mengambil metode gerakan Islam lainnya. Walaupun hubungan keduanya sangat mirip dan dekat, namun secara organisatoris, hal tersebut tidak dicantumkan dalam AD/ART partai ataupun statuta kebijakan politik lainnya.Khusus tentang pemikiran politik Islam yang berkaitan dengan negara, kedua organisasi ini meneruskan tradisi pemikiran Sunni yang menginginkan tegaknya kekhalifahan, namun dalam upaya ke arah itu, PK-Sejahtera mengambil langkah politik yang moderat, untuk saat ini mereka lebih mengkonsentrasikan terhadap upaya islamisasi masayarakat Indonesia dibawah naungan NKRI dengan memperjuangkan nilai-nilai Islam (maqasid al-syari'ah) terhadap kehidupan individu, sosial dan negara; seperti mengentas kemiskinan, menegakkan keadilan dan memberantas KKN.

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This research would like to explore the position of two da'wah movements and Islamic politics; Ikhwanul Muslimin and Justice Party of Welfare (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera) which grows and develops in two different areas, especially, in the correlation with the issue on Islam and state relation. Besides, it would like to describe the position of certain organizations in Islamic political thought, this research would like to express the one's influence to another in the discourse on the relation between religion and politics.

This research used descriptive method with qualitative perspective through library research, depth interview with the experts and other sources. Based on the problem on political polemic in Islam, this research will explore two studied organizations and the influencing process of Ikhwanul Muslimin toward Justice Party of Welfare, especially, on the relation between Islam and state.

The results of this research: the influence of Ikhwanul Muslimin toward Justice Party of Welfare is very dominant through the spread ideas brought by Middle East universities' alumni and published translating book written by Ikhwanul Muslimin leaders that is used as the matters of Justice Party of Welfare cadre education. Moreover, Justice Party of Welfare can be claimed, extremely, as Indonesian Ikhwanul Muslimin, but appropriated with the condition of Indonesia society and added by using other Islamic movement method. Although, there is close correlation between certain organizations, but in the sense of organization, it is not grafted in the bill of organization or other political policies.

Especially, on the discourse of Islamic politics which related with state, both organizations continues Sunni tradition that want to upright khilafah, but to achieve that goal, Justice Party of Welfare uses moderate political steps. Now days, they give more concentration on Islamization of Indonesian society in the shadow of United State of Republic of Indonesia (NKRI) by struggling Islamic values (maqashid al-syari'ah) toward the life of individual, social and state; such as, poverty solving, justice upright and corruption erasing."

"Sekolah Dasar sebagai lingkungan belajar anak harus dirancang sedemikian rupa sehingga membuat kegiatan belajar nyaman bagi anak. Banyak faktor yang harus diperhatikan dalam perancangan sebuah sekolah dasar agar pada akhirnya memenuhi kenyamanan belajar tersebut. Faktor tersebut antara lain faktor fisik yang terdapat pada lingkungan. Terbatasnya lahan di daerah kota serta meningkatnya jumlah siswa membuat perancangan sekolah dasar semakin rumit. Perancangan tidak hanya dipusatkan pada susunan ruang dan hubungan antar ruang, tetapi juga mempertimbangkan potensi gangguan yang berasal dari lingkungan. Faktor fisik pada lingkungan yang memiliki potensi untuk mengganggu kegiatan belajar harus dipertimbangkan dalam perancangan sekolah dasar di daerah kota dengan lahan terbatas. Akibat dari antisipasi yang dilakukan sebuah sekolah dasar swasta, pada akhirnya berpengaruh terhadap susunan ruang dan wujud bangunan sekolah tersebut."

"Skripsi ini bertujuan untuk membandingkan tinggi badan, aktivitas fisik, dan asupan gizi antara remaja putri perenang dan remaja putri bukan perenang. Penelitian ini menggunakan desain studi ecological study. Pengambilan data dilakukan pada bulan Maret – April 2013 di SMPI Al-Azhar 4 Kemandoran, Kolam Renang GOR Senayan, Kolam Renang Simprug Pertamina, dan Kolam Renang Cikini dengan sampel sebanyak 26 orang remaja perenang dan 26 orang remaja bukan perenang. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan terdapat perbedaan yang bermakna antara tinggi badan (p=0,041) pada kelompok perenang dan kelompok bukan perenang. Aktivitas fisik pada kedua kelompok tersebut juga terdapat perbedaan yang bermakna (p=0,001). Nilai rata-rata asupan kelompok perenang lebih tinggi secara bermakna dibandingkan dengan kelompok bukan perenang untuk asupan protein (p=0,018), vitamin A (p=0,006), kalsium (p=0,001), zat besi (p=0,001), dan zink (p=0,000). SMPI Al-Azhar 4 Kemandoran disarankan untuk memasukan olahraga renang sebagai bagian dari kurikulum sekolah. Untuk klub renang disarankan untuk menjalin kerja sama kepada pihak sekolah dalam memfasilitasi siswa untuk dapat melakukan olahraga renang.

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The purpose of this research was to compare height, physical activity, and nutritional intakes (energy, protein, carbohydrate, fat, vitamin A, vitamin D, vitamin C, calcium, iron, and zinc) between adolescent female swimmers and non-swimmers. This research was an ecological study. Data were collected from March to April 2013 in SMPI Al-Azhar 4 Kemandoran, GOR Senayan Swimming Pool, Simprug Pertamina Swimming Pool, and Cikini Swimming Pool with samples 26 adolescent swimmers and 26 adolescent non-swimmers. This study showed that height in adolescent female swimmers and non-swimmers were significantly different (p=0,041). Physical Activity was significantly different (p=0, 001) from adolescent swimmers and non swimmers. Mean of nutritional intakes in swimmers were significantly higher than non-swimmers for protein (p=0, 018), vitamin A (p=0, 006), calcium (p=0, 001), iron (p=0, 001), and zinc (p=0, 000). It is recommended for SMPI Al-Azhar 4 Kemandoran to include swimming as a part of the school’s curriculumm. Swim clubs and schools are suggested to cooperate to facilitate students with swimming lessons."