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"[ABSTRAKMasyarakat dan keadilan sosial adalah kedua tema pembahasan yang tidak terpisahkan. Baik dari pemikiran sosial-politik Barat maupun Timur, pembahasan mengenai bagaimana masyarakat seharusnya dan apa yang disebut dengan keadilan sosial terus didiskusikan dari waktu ke waktu. Perbedaan muncul tatkala gagasan mengenai masyarakat dan keadilan sosial dipengaruhi oleh kondisi sosial politik yang ada dan dipengaruhi oleh corak keyakinan agama. Sayyid Qutb dan Ali Syariati memiliki ideologi tersendiri mengenai masyarakat dan keadilan sosial.Sayyid Qutb yang merupakan salah satu tokoh utama gerakan Ikhwanul Muslimin pada masa rezim Gamal Abdul Nasser berusaha menanamkan Islamisme fundamental dalam memahami tatanan masyarakat ideal dan mewujudkan keadilan sosial dengan menekankan perhatiannya pada penerapan hukum Syariah Islam dan mendirikan negara Islam yang adil, plural, harmonis, dan supra nasional. Ia banyak mengungkapkan idealismenya tersebut dalam karya-karyanya seperti Ma?alim fi at Thariq, al Adalah al Ijtima?iyyah fi al Islam, Tafsir fi Zilal Quran, dan judul-judul lainnya.Sementara Ali Syariati yang seorang intelektual dan ideolog revolusi Iran, meski menjadikan Islam sebagai landasan pemikirannya, lebih memusatkan perhatiannnya kepada bagaimana melakukan perubahan sosial untuk menemukan jati diri bangsa Iran. Karya-karyanya lebih banyak menyerukan kepada bagaimana masyarakat yang ideal dan keadilan sosial yang sangat dipengaruhi oleh corak aliran Sosialisme. Ia aktif memberikan ceramah di universitas dan lembaga keagamaan seperti Hosseiniyeh Ershad. Karya-karyanya yang terkenal baik berupa buku, syair, maupun kumpulan ceramahnya yang dibukukan seperti On the Sociology of Islam, What Is to Be Done: The Enlightened Thinkers and Islamic Renaissance, dan lainnya.

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ABSTRACTSociety and social justice are two issues that always correlated. Either from Western socio-politics or Eastern, the discussion about how an ideal society should be and what social justice is, will always be studied from time to time. The difference emerges when an idea about society and social justice are influenced by current social and political situation, culture and religious belief. Sayyid Qutb and Ali Shariati both have their own idea about society and social justice.Sayyid Qutb is the main Brotherhood of Muslim activist in the time of Gamal Abdel Nasser regime. He tried to combine the fundamental school of Islamism into the social order and to establish social justice with emphasizing of Sharia Law establishment into society. He sees Islam can build a just, undiscriminating, harmony, and also a universal State. This idealism has written in many of his books: the Milestones, Social Justice in Islam, and other titles.Meanwhile Ali Shariati, the Iranian revolutionary ideologue and also a Muslim intellectual seeks Islam as the fundamental foundation of society and social justice like Sayyid Qutb did while putting more concerns about reformate society itself and finding the true Iran identity. His writings and lectures talks more about what an ideal society is and a social justice influenced by Socialism school of thought. He was an active lecturer at Hosseiniyeh Ershad and other institutions. Gaining a lot of younger followers. His books and lectures are published and collected under titles: On the Sociology of Islam, What Is to Be Done: The Enlightened Thinkers and Islamic Renaissance, and other titles.;Society and social justice are two issues that always correlated. Either from Western socio-politics or Eastern, the discussion about how an ideal society should be and what social justice is, will always be studied from time to time. The difference emerges when an idea about society and social justice are influenced by current social and political situation, culture and religious belief. Sayyid Qutb and Ali Shariati both have their own idea about society and social justice.Sayyid Qutb is the main Brotherhood of Muslim activist in the time of Gamal Abdel Nasser regime. He tried to combine the fundamental school of Islamism into the social order and to establish social justice with emphasizing of Sharia Law establishment into society. He sees Islam can build a just, undiscriminating, harmony, and also a universal State. This idealism has written in many of his books: the Milestones, Social Justice in Islam, and other titles.Meanwhile Ali Shariati, the Iranian revolutionary ideologue and also a Muslim intellectual seeks Islam as the fundamental foundation of society and social justice like Sayyid Qutb did while putting more concerns about reformate society itself and finding the true Iran identity. His writings and lectures talks more about what an ideal society is and a social justice influenced by Socialism school of thought. He was an active lecturer at Hosseiniyeh Ershad and other institutions. Gaining a lot of younger followers. His books and lectures are published and collected under titles: On the Sociology of Islam, What Is to Be Done: The Enlightened Thinkers and Islamic Renaissance, and other titles.;Society and social justice are two issues that always correlated. Either from Western socio-politics or Eastern, the discussion about how an ideal society should be and what social justice is, will always be studied from time to time. The difference emerges when an idea about society and social justice are influenced by current social and political situation, culture and religious belief. Sayyid Qutb and Ali Shariati both have their own idea about society and social justice.Sayyid Qutb is the main Brotherhood of Muslim activist in the time of Gamal Abdel Nasser regime. He tried to combine the fundamental school of Islamism into the social order and to establish social justice with emphasizing of Sharia Law establishment into society. He sees Islam can build a just, undiscriminating, harmony, and also a universal State. This idealism has written in many of his books: the Milestones, Social Justice in Islam, and other titles.Meanwhile Ali Shariati, the Iranian revolutionary ideologue and also a Muslim intellectual seeks Islam as the fundamental foundation of society and social justice like Sayyid Qutb did while putting more concerns about reformate society itself and finding the true Iran identity. His writings and lectures talks more about what an ideal society is and a social justice influenced by Socialism school of thought. He was an active lecturer at Hosseiniyeh Ershad and other institutions. Gaining a lot of younger followers. His books and lectures are published and collected under titles: On the Sociology of Islam, What Is to Be Done: The Enlightened Thinkers and Islamic Renaissance, and other titles.;Society and social justice are two issues that always correlated. Either from Western socio-politics or Eastern, the discussion about how an ideal society should be and what social justice is, will always be studied from time to time. The difference emerges when an idea about society and social justice are influenced by current social and political situation, culture and religious belief. Sayyid Qutb and Ali Shariati both have their own idea about society and social justice.Sayyid Qutb is the main Brotherhood of Muslim activist in the time of Gamal Abdel Nasser regime. He tried to combine the fundamental school of Islamism into the social order and to establish social justice with emphasizing of Sharia Law establishment into society. He sees Islam can build a just, undiscriminating, harmony, and also a universal State. This idealism has written in many of his books: the Milestones, Social Justice in Islam, and other titles.Meanwhile Ali Shariati, the Iranian revolutionary ideologue and also a Muslim intellectual seeks Islam as the fundamental foundation of society and social justice like Sayyid Qutb did while putting more concerns about reformate society itself and finding the true Iran identity. His writings and lectures talks more about what an ideal society is and a social justice influenced by Socialism school of thought. He was an active lecturer at Hosseiniyeh Ershad and other institutions. Gaining a lot of younger followers. His books and lectures are published and collected under titles: On the Sociology of Islam, What Is to Be Done: The Enlightened Thinkers and Islamic Renaissance, and other titles.;Society and social justice are two issues that always correlated. Either from Western socio-politics or Eastern, the discussion about how an ideal society should be and what social justice is, will always be studied from time to time. The difference emerges when an idea about society and social justice are influenced by current social and political situation, culture and religious belief. Sayyid Qutb and Ali Shariati both have their own idea about society and social justice.Sayyid Qutb is the main Brotherhood of Muslim activist in the time of Gamal Abdel Nasser regime. He tried to combine the fundamental school of Islamism into the social order and to establish social justice with emphasizing of Sharia Law establishment into society. He sees Islam can build a just, undiscriminating, harmony, and also a universal State. This idealism has written in many of his books: the Milestones, Social Justice in Islam, and other titles.Meanwhile Ali Shariati, the Iranian revolutionary ideologue and also a Muslim intellectual seeks Islam as the fundamental foundation of society and social justice like Sayyid Qutb did while putting more concerns about reformate society itself and finding the true Iran identity. His writings and lectures talks more about what an ideal society is and a social justice influenced by Socialism school of thought. He was an active lecturer at Hosseiniyeh Ershad and other institutions. Gaining a lot of younger followers. His books and lectures are published and collected under titles: On the Sociology of Islam, What Is to Be Done: The Enlightened Thinkers and Islamic Renaissance, and other titles.;Society and social justice are two issues that always correlated. Either from Western socio-politics or Eastern, the discussion about how an ideal society should be and what social justice is, will always be studied from time to time. The difference emerges when an idea about society and social justice are influenced by current social and political situation, culture and religious belief. Sayyid Qutb and Ali Shariati both have their own idea about society and social justice.Sayyid Qutb is the main Brotherhood of Muslim activist in the time of Gamal Abdel Nasser regime. He tried to combine the fundamental school of Islamism into the social order and to establish social justice with emphasizing of Sharia Law establishment into society. He sees Islam can build a just, undiscriminating, harmony, and also a universal State. This idealism has written in many of his books: the Milestones, Social Justice in Islam, and other titles.Meanwhile Ali Shariati, the Iranian revolutionary ideologue and also a Muslim intellectual seeks Islam as the fundamental foundation of society and social justice like Sayyid Qutb did while putting more concerns about reformate society itself and finding the true Iran identity. His writings and lectures talks more about what an ideal society is and a social justice influenced by Socialism school of thought. He was an active lecturer at Hosseiniyeh Ershad and other institutions. Gaining a lot of younger followers. His books and lectures are published and collected under titles: On the Sociology of Islam, What Is to Be Done: The Enlightened Thinkers and Islamic Renaissance, and other titles., Society and social justice are two issues that always correlated. Either from Western socio-politics or Eastern, the discussion about how an ideal society should be and what social justice is, will always be studied from time to time. The difference emerges when an idea about society and social justice are influenced by current social and political situation, culture and religious belief. Sayyid Qutb and Ali Shariati both have their own idea about society and social justice.Sayyid Qutb is the main Brotherhood of Muslim activist in the time of Gamal Abdel Nasser regime. He tried to combine the fundamental school of Islamism into the social order and to establish social justice with emphasizing of Sharia Law establishment into society. He sees Islam can build a just, undiscriminating, harmony, and also a universal State. This idealism has written in many of his books: the Milestones, Social Justice in Islam, and other titles.Meanwhile Ali Shariati, the Iranian revolutionary ideologue and also a Muslim intellectual seeks Islam as the fundamental foundation of society and social justice like Sayyid Qutb did while putting more concerns about reformate society itself and finding the true Iran identity. His writings and lectures talks more about what an ideal society is and a social justice influenced by Socialism school of thought. He was an active lecturer at Hosseiniyeh Ershad and other institutions. Gaining a lot of younger followers. His books and lectures are published and collected under titles: On the Sociology of Islam, What Is to Be Done: The Enlightened Thinkers and Islamic Renaissance, and other titles.]"

"Penelitian mengenai tema dalam novel Asywak (1947) yang ditulis oleh Sayyid Qutb (1906-1966). Tujuannya adalah untuk membuktikan adanya unsur-unsur romantisme dalam tema dan unsur-unsur intrinsik lainnya. Kerangka teori yang digunakan adalah romantisme dalam fiksi. Romantisme merupakan sebuah pendekatan kefilsafatan yang berkembang di Eropa menjelang akhir abad ke-18. Gagasan ini kemudian berkembang menjadi sebuah aliran kesusastraan yang mengutamakan perasaan, pikiran, dan tindakan spontanitas; aliran seni yang mengutamakan imajinasi, emosi, dan sentimen idealisme. Dalam fiksi, romantisisme diterjemahkan sebagai gagasan yang memuat semangat dan kerinduan yang besar terhadap alam, obsesi yang besar terhadap masa lalu, ketiadaan batas yang jelas antara mimpi dan realitas, cinta yang melankolik dan idealis, dan celaan terhadap kehidupan perkotaan dan kecintaan terhadap alam pedesaan. Analisis dilakukan melalui pedekatan struktural dengan melakukan penelaahan terhadap beberapa unsur-unsur intrinsik yang berperan panting dalam membangun gagasan-gagasan romantik secara integral dan memperhatikan koherensi antarunsur. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa novel Asywak karya Sayyid Qutb merupakan novel bercorak romantik, dengan memuat beberapa unsur penting romantisme dalam tema dan unsur-unsur intrinsik lainnya. Dalam tema, terdapat gagasan obsesi dan kerinduan yang besar terhadap masa lalu, ketiadaan batas yang jelas antara mimpi dan realitas, cinta yang melankolik dan idealis, dan celaan terhadap kehidupan perkotaan dan kecintaan terhadap alam pedesaan. Sikap melankolik dan idealis dalam percintaan menjadi unsur romantisme yang paling mendominasi keseluruhan isi cerita, dan unsur penokohan beserta metode-metodenya menjadi unsur intrinsik yang paling banyak mendukung tema, dengan memuat unsu_r-unsur romantisme dalam karakter tokoh-tokohnya. Metode-metode penokohan kemudian memperkuat bukti kecenderungan pengarang terhadap romantisme."

"ABSTRAKPenelitian ini berusaha mengungkap korelasi pemikiran Sayyid Quthb dengan fenomena radikalisme yang terjadi di beberapa Negara Islam saat ini. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan metode kajian deskriptif, eksplanatif dan analitis. Metode ini bermaksud menjelaskan hakekat fakta tertentu, mengapa suatu fakta terjadi, pengaruh dan bagaimana hubungannya dengan fakta lain. Data penelitian diperoleh melalui teknik pengumpulan data, baik kepustakaan maupun wawancara terstruktur mengenai masalah-masalah yang berkaitan dengan fenomena radikalisme, Sayyid Qutb dan Ikhwanul Muslimin serta materi-materi lain yang berkaitan dengan penulisan tesis ini.Hasil dari penelitian ini mengungkapkan bahwa pemikiran-pemikiran Sayyid Quthb telah menginspirasi gerakan-gerakan radikal di beberapa negara. Kontroversi pemikiran Sayyid Quthb dalam hal ketuhanan dan kenabian berujung pada pentahrifan dalil-dalil al-Qur?an, juga penyimpangan terhadap standar moderasi Islam Sunni. Begitu juga pemikiran Quthb dalam hal khilafah, ia menta?birkan fenomena tidak diberlakukannya hukum Islam saat ini sebagai jahiliyyah modern yang mengarah kepada takfir syumuli dan nihilisme. Menurutnya, tidak ada Islam di tengah-tengah semaraknya umat yang mengaku pemeluk Islam, dikarenakan mereka telah melupakan Islam yang sebenarnya, yaitu Islam yang hanya bersumber dari al-Qur?an dan Sunnah, bukan bersumber dari selainnya. Pemikiran Quthb memberikan legitimasi terhadap militansi gerakan-gerakan radikal yang bertujuan mengambil alih kekuasaan pemerintahan yang dianggap sekuler dengan segala cara, untuk digantikan dengan pemerintahan yang menurut mereka menerapkan syari?ah Islamiyyah.

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ABSTRACT

This study sought to uncover correlations with the thinking of Sayyid Qutb radicalism phenomenon that occurs in some Islamic countries today. This study used a qualitative approach with descriptive study method, an explanatory and analytical. This method is intended to explain the nature of certain facts, why a fact happen, the effect and how it relates to other facts. Data were obtained through data collection techniques, either literature or structured interviews on matters related to the phenomenon of radicalism, Sayyid Qutb and the Ikhwanul Muslimin and other materials related to this thesis.

Results from this study revealed that the ideas of Sayyid Qutb has inspired radical movements in several countries. Controversy thought of Sayyid Qutb in divinity and prophethood misappropriation led to the arguments of the Quran, as well as the standard deviation of the Sunni Islamic moderation. Likewise Qutb thought in terms of the caliphate, he call phenomenon of non-application of Islamic law today as modern jahiliyyah leading to takfir syumuli and nihilism. According to him, there is no Islam in the midst of the splendor of the people who claimed Muslims, because they have forgotten the true Islam, that Islam is only derived from the Qur'an and Sunnah, not from any other kind. Qutb thought gives legitimacy to the militancy of radical movements which aim to take over the power of government is considered secular in every way, to be replaced with a government -which they- implement the Islamic Shari'ah."

"Penelitian ini membahas tentang perkembangan pola dan gaya kepemimpinan politik di Iran yang cukup fluktuatif dimulai dari pra dan pasca revolusi Iran 1979. Hal itu berkaitan dengan gagasan Imam Khomenei tentang Wilayah Al-Faqih yang menggantikan sistem monarki menjadi teo-demokrasi. Penelitian ini berfokus pada dua variabel penelitian yakni pola kepemimpinan politik dan gaya kepemimpinan politiknya pada pemimpin tertinggi di negara Iran yakni Imam Khomenei dan Sayyid Ali Khamenei. Penelitian menggunakan metode deskriptif analisis dan metode pengumpulan data studi pustaka.Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa Imam Khomenei dan Ali Khamenei cenderung menggunakan gaya kepemimpinan transformasional diukur dari kriteria kepribadian keterbukaan, kesadaran, ekstraversi dan kesesuaian. Keduanya juga ditopang oleh modal spiritual (Spiritual Capital) yang cukup sehingga mempengaruhi kinerjanya dalam mengarahkan pengikut. Namun, Khomenei memiliki kelebihan pada sifat ekstraversi, keterbukaan dan kesesuaian disebabkan oleh kondisi natural krisis. Meski demikian, mereka juga menerapkan gaya kepemimpinan transaksional dalam situasi tertentu namun dengan intensitas yang rendah.

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This research discussed the development of patterns and styles of political leadership in Iran which are quite fluctuating starting from the pre and post-1979 Iranian revolution. That was related to Imam Khomenei's idea of ​​the Wilayah Al-Faqih which replaced the monarchy system into a theo-democracy. This study focused on two research variables, the pattern of political leadership and the style of political leadership on the highest leaders in Iran, namely Imam Khomenei and Sayyid Ali Khamenei. The research used descriptive analysis method and literature study data collection method.The results of this study indicated that Imam Khomenei and Ali Khamenei tend to use transformational leadership styles measured by the personality criteria of openness, awareness, extraversion and agreebleness. Both are also supported by sufficient spiritual capital (Spiritual Capital), which affects their performance in directing followers. However, Khomenei has the advantage of extraversion, openness and agreebleness due to the natural conditions of the crisis. However, they also applied transactional leadership styles in certain situations but with low intensity."

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Penelitian ini dilatarbelakangi oleh munculnya Barat sebagai suatu peradaban baru yang lebih maju sebagai  fenomena global yang memengaruhi dan mengubah tatanan peradaban dan geopolitik dunia. Konsep sekuler Ali Abd ar-Raziq dan Soekarno merupakan produk dari fenomena tersebut. Studi ini bertujuan menjawab tiga pertanyaan: pertama, bagaimana latar belakang faktor internal dan eksternal yang memengaruhi pemikiran Negara Sekuler Ali Abd ar-Raziq di Mesir serta pemikiran Negara Pancasila Soekarno di Indonesia; kedua, Bagaimana kedua konsep pemikiran tersebut? dan ketiga, bagaimana perbandingan pemikiran-pemikiran tersebut. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori Negara Sekuler, Negara Pancasila. Sosialisasi Politik dan Perbandingan Politik. Metode penelitian yang digunakan bersifat deskriptif-analitis dengan memakai studi kepustakaan.

Temuan penelitian menunjukkan bahwa perbedaan pemikiran kedua tokoh tersebut disebabkan  perbedaan latar belakang, pendidikan, dan wawasan keagamaan. Soekarno adalah seorang politisi, negarawan, dan nasionalis radikal, sedangkan  Ali Abd ar-Raziq adalah seorang ulama, akademisi, dengan wawasan Islam yang luas dan modern. Keduanya ingin memisahkan Islam dan Negara, namun tujuan mereka berbeda. Ali Abd Ar-Raziq lebih cenderung ingin memurnikan Islam dari  politik yang dianggapnya kotor, sedangkan Soekarno ingin me’muda’kan agama dan menempatkannya di tempat yang mulia. Persamaan kedua pemikiran tersebut disebabkan oleh kondisi politik global. Pada saat itu, terjadi kolonialisme Barat yang menyebarkan pemikiran dan gagasan sekularisme. Di Timur Tengah, politik regional dipengaruhi oleh melemahnya Turki Usmani dan penjajahan Barat. Di Indonesia, politik regional dipengaruhi oleh bangkitnya nasionalisme negara-negara Asia terhadap kekuasaan kulit putih.

Kesimpulannya, secara nasional kondisi politik yang terjadi di Mesir dan Indonesia menjadi sebab utama munculnya gagasan Negara Sekuler dari Ali Abd ar-Raziq dan Negara Pancasila dari Soekarno. Munculnya ide sekuler di Indonesia didorong dan dipengaruhi oleh semangat ingin merdeka dari penjajahan Belanda dan kaum ulama yang berpikiran terbelakang. Gagasan sekuler Ali Abd ar-Raziq di Mesir muncul sebagai reaksi untuk mencegah keinginan Raja Fu’ad  menjadi khalifah di Mesir. Soekarno memandang hubungan negara dan agama Islam harus dipisahkan. Ia bermaksud membawa Indonesia agar lebih maju seperti bangsa Eropa, sedangkan Ali Abd ar-Raziq memandang bahwa Islam harus dipisahkan dari unsur-unsur negara secara yuridis. Menurutnya, khilafah tidak mempunyai legitimasi dari Al-Qur’an dan Hadits, maupun Ijma karena hal tersebut bukan merupakan institusi agama.

 

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This study is based on the advancement and rise of Western civilization, a global phenomenon that affected and transformed the world’s civilization and geopolitics. It produced Both Ali Abd ar-Raziq’s and Soekarno’s secular concepts of the State.

This research aims to answer the following questions: First, what are the internal and external factors that affected Ali Abd ar-Raziq-s concept of the Secular State in Egypt and Soekarno concept of the Pancasila State? Second, what are the two concepts of the State? Third, what are the similarities and differences between the two concepts? This study uses the Secular State theory, the Pancasila State theory, the Political Socialization theory, and the Political Comparison theory. The method used is descriptive-analytical and the information are gathered through literary review.

The principal finding of this research reveals that the differences between the two is caused because of a difference in background, education, and religious knowledge. Soekarno was a politician, statesman, and radical nationalist. Ali Abd ar-Raziq was a religious scholar, as well as an individual with a broader and more modern Islamic knowledge. Although both aimed to separate Islam and the State, they had a different motivation. Ali Abd Ar-Raziq wanted to cleanse Islam from politics, while Soekarno wanted to renew Islam and place it in a noble position. The similarities between the two concept lies in the global political condition at the time. During that period, Western colonization had spread secularism. While in a regional scope, the political condition was affected by the weakening of the Ottoman Dinasty in the Middle East and secularism. The political condition in Indonesia was influenced by the rise of nationalism in Asian countries towards colonization.

Conclusively, the political condition in Egypt and Indonesia is the catalyst of Ali Abd ar-Raziq and Soekarno’s conceopt  of the State. In Indonesia, secularism were highly influenced by the fervor to be from Dutch colonization and religious leaders with outdated thoughts and  beliefs. While in Egypt, secularism was a reaction towards King Fuad’s desire to be a Caliphate in Egypt. Soekarno opined that religion and the state must be separated, while Ali Abd ar-Raziq believed that Islam has to be separated from the State in legal terms because the Al-Qur’an, Hadits, and Ijma does not give a caliph legitimacy to rule a State as it is not a religious institution.

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"Tesis ini membahas tentang konsep tasawuf dan ajaran tarekat Ashhabul Yamin Sayyid Abdullah bin Alwi Al-Haddad dan pengaruhnya di kehidupan Masyarakat Islam Jakarta pada era modern. Kajian ini menuturkan konsep tasawuf' Sayyid Abdullah Al-Haddad dan ajaran dan praktek wirid tarekat Ashhabul Yamin. Dalam penelitian ini menggunakan teori dalam perspektif tasawuf yang meliputi tasawuf sunni: Akhlaki dan amali, serta tasawuf falsafi, juga menggunakan perspektif tarekat. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian kualitatif dengan menggunakan metode studi kasus, yaitu berusaha mendapatkan informasi dari praktek wirid yang terdapat dalam tarekat Ashhabul Yamin dan diamalkan oleh Masyarakat Islam Jakarta melalui individu, lembaga dan jama'ah. Berkaitan dengan konsep tasawuf dan ajaran tarekat Ashhabul Yamin, penulis akan mengutarakan konsep Tasawuf Sayyid Abdullah perpektifnya terhadap maqamat dan hal, serta asal muasal Tarekat Ashhabul Yamin, dan praktek wiridnya yang dikenal dengan al-Wirdu al-Latif dan Ratib al-Haddad, dimana terlihat di dalarn ajaran tersebut dapat diterima oleh Masyarakat Islam Jakarta. Dan hasilnya konsep tasawuf dan ajaran Tarekat Ashabul Yamin memberikan pengaruh yang cukup besar dalam kehidupan Masyarakat Islam Jakarta.

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This thesis analyses about Tasawuf Sayyid Abdullah bin Alwi Al-Haddad in Jakarta society. Habaib the alleged Jakarta people who are descendants of the Prophet Muhammad saw. They overcome and eliminate the Islamic sciences. Habaib position equivalent to Islamic scholars, interactions which occur between a Habaib and Islamic scholars in Jakarta is very harmonious in the concept of equality. The influence of the Habaib to Jakarta people is very strong for example is ratiban, one form of tariqa that are easy to do, because they do not need baiat, Murshid and other rules that bind. Ratib is a word from Arabic language it means repeatedly uttering sentences of praise to God. Ratib also significant collections of remembrance, blessing and prayer it prepared by one of Islamic scholars, it is like ratib al-Haddad, there is also thinking that ratib is a collection of remembrance is more compact than wirid. Honored the Habaib on Jakarta society is very usual and naturally, Therefore, the Jakarta people do ratib al-Haddad in every ceremony."

"Sebagian besar pemikir politik Islam klasik, memandang bahwa hubungan agama dan negara adalah satu kesatuan yang organis, yang tidak dapat dipisahkan satu dengan yang lainnya. Bentuk kelembagaan bagi hubungan yang organik tersebut, muncul dalam bentuk khilafah, yang dianggap sebagai representasi sebuah sistem kekuasaan dan pemerintahan Islam, sejak dari zaman Abu Bakar Shidiq hingga berakhirnya kekhalifahan Usmani di Turki. Selama itulah kedudukan khalifah tetap aman dan selalu mendapat legitimasi dari para ulama yang memegang otoritas keagamaan dalam Islam. Kondisi tersebut menggambarkan hubungan antara politik atau kekuasaan dengan agama, sebagai hubungan simbiosis yang sating menguntungkan.Seiring dengan masuknya bangsa Eropa ke Timur Tengah, maka masuk pulalah pemikiran-pemikiran modern di kawasan tersebut. Salah satu diantara pemikiran tersebut adalah Sekularisme. Dengan faham itulah Ataturk di Turki mengejutkan dunia politik Islam dengan menggusur kekhalifahan Usmani yang memang sudah lemah. Menyusul satu tahun kemudian AIi Abd Raziq di Mesir dengan menerbitkan bukunya "Islam wa Ushul al-hukmmr ; Buhl fi al-Khila_;ah wa al-Hukumah fi al-Islam", yang juga inengkritisi eksistensi khilafah yang selama itu "disucikan". Namun keduanya menganggap bahwa khilafah adalah rezim otoritarianisme dan absolutisme yang tidak lagi relevan di zaman modem ini.

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Mostly classical Islamic political scholar, looking that the relation of religion and state is one organic union, inseparable one with other. Form of the institutution for those relation, emerge in the form of khilafah, what is considered_ to be representation a system of power and Islamic, governance, since Abu Bakar Shidiq till the end of Usmani Emperor in Turki. During that's dimiciling khalifah remain to be peaceful and always get the legitimation from all moslem scholar, whom had holding religious authority in Islam, The Condition depict the relation of between politics or power with religion, as mutual symbiosis a profiting relation.

With the arrival of Europe people to Mid-East area, they bring the new ideology to the area, one of that ideology is Secularisme. With that ideology Ataturk in Turki set the river on fire the Islamic politics by aborting imperium Usmani which is true have weak. One year later, then Ali Abd Raziq in Egypt, also critizied the khilafah power by publishing his book " Islam of Ida Ushul alhuk'n ; Bahs El al-Khilafah wa al-Hukumah fr al-Islwn", which is during that "sanctified". But both assuming that khilafah is regime of otoritarianisme and absolutisme which shall no longger be relevant in this modem epoch.

Both emerging almost at the same time, with the same opinion, and global political in a same condition, regional and national which more or less is equal. Even both dissociated by far distancer, owning different personality, with the different of intellectual background, and of course own the different target, hence non an matter which coincidence happened, if both sudden emerge at the time of and same condition. This is one of reason disturbing to be checked in this thesis."

"Jihad menurut Sayid Qutb adalah perang di jalan Allah untuk menegakkan sistem Ilahi. Menurutnya, jihad sifatnya ofensif bukan defensif Karena watak ajaran Islam sendiri adalah ofensif untuk menyebarkan misi Islam ke seluruh dunia, tanpa memandang batas rasial dan geografis. Meski demikian, jihad tidak memaksa seseorang atau masyarakat untuk memeluk agama Islam. Manhaj Islam, menurut Qutb, melindungi masyarakat untuk tetap berpegang teguh pada keyakinan agama masing-masing.Qutb membahas masalah jihad ini secara terpisah-pisah dalam karya monumentalnya Fi Zhilal Al Qur 'an. Dalam karyanya Ma alim fit Thariq, Qutb membahas jihad dalam bab khusus : Jihad fir Sabiilillah.Pemikiran Qutb tentang jihad, tidak terlepas dari pendidikan dan pengalaman hidupnya. Pendidikan agama dari keluarga sejak kecil dan pengalaman hidupnya di Amerika lebih dari dua tahun, serta hegemoni Amerika dan Inggris di Mesir ketika itu, membuat Qutb mempunyai pemikiran yang militan.Kehidupan Sayid Qutb bisa disebut sebagai kehidupan pemikir, aktivis dakwah dan mujahid. Pemikir, karena Qutb telah menghasilkan lebih dari 30 buku (buku sastra dan buku Islam). Aktivis dakwah, karena ia aktif dalam pergerakan Ikhwanul Muslimin, Pemikir karena ia telah menghasilkan buku lebih dari 25 buah dan Mujahid, karena ia terus konsisten untuk menegakkan sistem Ilahi (Negara Islam) di Mesir.Sayid Qutb (1906-1966) adalah salah seorang pemikir besar Islam kontemporer. Di pergerakan Ikhwanul Muslimin, ia disebut-sebut sebagai tokoh kedua setelah Hassan Al Banna (1906-1949). Ia juga sering disejajarkan dengan Abul Ala Al Maududi, tokoh gerakan Islam Jamaat Islami di Pakistan, Imam Khomeini dan dan Ali Syariati, seorang ideolog revolusi Iran.Buku-bukunya menjadi bacaan aktivis-aktivis Islam dan Mesir, Aljazair, Syria, Tunisia, Turki, Indonesia, Malaysia, Amerika sampai inggris. Di Indonesia puluhan buku Qutb telah diterjemahkan.

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Sayid Qutb observed that Jihad is a war in the way of Allah to establish a divine system from his point of view, jihad is offensive and not defensive. It is because the characteristic of Islamic teachings itself is offensive to disseminate the mission of Islam to all of the world without considering the racial and geographical frontiers. Although, jihad does not mean to coerce anyone or any society to embrace the religion of Islam. Islamic method or manhaj from Qutb's point of view protects people to adhere to everyone faith.

Qutb has discussed jihad separately in his two monumental books of Fii Zhilal al-Qur'an and Ma'alim f al Thariq, and in the latter work he studied jihad in specific chapter : Jihad in the Way of Allah (Jihad fii sabilillah).

The concept of jihad in Qutb's mind flourished from his earlier education and life's experiences. His earlier religious education from the family and more than two years life's experiences in America built up his idea of militancy.

The life of Qutb can be said or categorized as a thinker, an activist of da'wah and a Mujahid. As thinker he authored more than 30 books (literary and Islamic). As an activist, he was an active member of al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun and said as Mujahid because he continually and consistently fought to establish a divine system (Islamic state) in Egypt.

Sayid Qutb (1906-1966) is one of the great Muslim thinkers of contemporary Islam. In the al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun movement he said to be the second leader of this Islamic movement after Hasan al-Hanna (1906-1949). He often treated equal to Abut Ma al-Maududi, the founder of Jamaat Islami of Pakistan, Imam Khomeini and Ali Syariati, the ideologists of the revolution of Iran.

His works became sources of reading of Muslim activists in Egypt, Al-Jazair, Syria, Tunis, Turkey, Indonesia, Malaysia, America to England. In Indonesia tens of his books has been translated into Indonesian."

"Pada bulan Maret 1924 Kemal Attaruk, Kepala Negara Turki, mengumumkan dihapuskannya Khilafah Islamiah dan negaranya, dan gema dari kebijakan tersebut berkumandang ke seluruh penjuru dunia Islam. Tiga belas bulan kemudian, tepatnya April 1925 Syeik All Abdul Raziq, seorang ulama al-Azhar dan Hakim Syari'ah di al-Mansyhurah, Mesir, menerbitkan sebuah buku berjudul "al Islam wa Ushul al-Huhn : bahsun flu khilafah wal hukrrmah fills/am" yang berisi tentang tuntutan penghapusan kekhilafahan dan pengikaran eksistensinya dalam ajaran Islam. Maka muncullah reaksi keras. dari berbagai kalangan masyarakat di Mesir, negara-negara Arab dan dunia Islam. Akibatnya Ali Abd al-Raziq dipecat dari jabatan Hakim al Mansyhurah dan dicoret namanya dari jajaran ulama al-Azhar.Tesis ini merupakan telaahan kembali pemikiran Ali Abd al-Raziq dalam buku karangannya itu dan ditujuankan untuk mengetahui lebih detail dari konsepsi politik yang digagas olehnya. Sekaligus menguji sejauh mana konsepsi politik Ali Abd al-Raziq menurut perspektif al-Quran dan al-Hadist, dengan menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif ,pendekatan fenomologis dan metode analisis deskriptif serta komparatif.Dari hasil penelitian diatas penulis temukan bahwa Ali Abdul al-Raziq termasuk pemikir politik Islam yang paling kontroversial saat itu. Paham dan pendapatnya sangat bertentangan dengan para alim ulama al-Azhar dan umat Islam lainya khususnya tentang Khilafah dan Negara. Sebagian besar umat Islam dan ulama menganggap dan menyatakan Khilafah Islamiah wajib hukumnya dan masalah tersebut sudah final serta establish dikalangan masyarakat Islam umumnya dan dunia Arab khususnya. Sebaliknya, menurut All Abd al-Raziq, realitas sejarah Islam tidaklah memberikan keharusan bentuk organisasi politiknya bernama khilafah dan pimpinannya disebut sebagai khalifah. Hal ini dapat dilihat dengan hilangnya peran kedaulatan rakyat dalam proses politik dan terbentuknya sistem khilafah yang berdasarkan keturunan sebagai refleksi hilangnya essensi ajaran Islam dari amaliah di bidang politik.Gagasan politik al-Raziq yang demikian itu terlahir sebagai akibat bergolaknya revolusi politik yang telah memisahkan kekuasaan politik keagamaan yang begitu mendominasi di dunia Islam, terutama yang terdekat dengan ingkar kehidupannya seperti revolusi Oktober 1917, revolusi Marxis-Leninisme, dan revolusi Turki 1925 dengan bentuk sekularismenya, serta timbulnya nasionalisme Arab yang telah melahirkan kerajaan.Kiranya kondisi sosio-politik yang demkkian inilah yang mendorong hingga ia berteori perlunya pemisahan antara agama dan negara (politik). Tampaknya dengan teorinya ini, ia ingin menemukan konsep politik yang Islami, namun dibahasakan dengan perlunya pemisahan antara agama clan politik yang keduanya tidak mungkin dapat disatukan. Menurutnya agama bersifat sakral, sedangkan politik bersifat lebih profan.

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In March 1924 Kemal Attaruk, Turkish Head of State, announced the abolisment of Khilafah Islamiah Islamic Goverment System from his country, and resonance of the policy reverberated to all Islamic states. Thirteen months afterward, precisely in April 1925, Syeikh Ali Abdul al-Raziq, a syari'ah judge in al-Manshurah, Egypt, published a book entitled " al-Islam wa Ushul aI Hukm" that contains his demand to abolish Khalifah system and denial of its existence in Islamiah leading. His notions brought strong reactions from various social classes in Egypt, Arabic countries and Moslem World. As a consequences, Ali Abd al-Raziq was fired on his position a judge in al-Manshurah, and his name was eliminated from al-Azhar ulama's line.

This thesis is a restudy over the ideas of Ali Abdul al-Raziq in his book, and it is aimed at understanding the theory in a more detailed. In addition it is also meant to examine the political concept developed by. Ali Abd al-Raziq pursuant to the perspective of Alquran and Al hadist by using the method of qualitative research, phenomenal approach, and descriptive and comparative analysis methods.

The result of the studies the writer has done revealed that Ali Abdul al-Raziq was one of the most controversial Islamic thinkers at that time. His apprehension and notions were contrary to those of ulemas of al-Azhar and most Moslem, particulary on Khilafah and State. Most moslem and ulernas considered and confirmed Khilafah Isiamiah was compulsory and has been final as well as had been establishing among the Moslem world in general and in the Arabic world in particular. On the contrary, All Abdul al-Raziq asserted that Islamic historical reality did not specify a political organization named Khilafah, with its leader called Khalifah, a compulsory. This case could be observed from the fading out of the role of people sovereignty in the political process, and the formation of Khilafah System which was based on heredity as a reflection of the fading out of the essence of Islamism from political practices.

Raziq' s political notions seemed to emerge due to the breaking out of political revolutions leading to the separation of state affairs from religious affairs which at the time dominated the Moslem world. The said revolutions include the October 1917 Revolution, the Marais-Leninism Revolution and the 1925 Turkish Revolution with its secular form of state. In addition, Raziq's political notions were also more or less influenced by the emerge of Arab's nationalism that had produced Arabic kingdoms.

It appeared such socio-political conditions that had encouraged Raziq to think of the need to separate religious affairs from state affairs. It seemed Raziq 'with this theory would like to find an Islamic political conception, but it was represented by the need of separation of religious affairs from state affairs which the two was impossible to be fused. According to Raziq, religion affairs have a sacred characteristic, but political affairs much more profane or secular."

"ABSTRAKPenelitian ini menjawab pertanyaan yaitu faktor apa di antara variabel persepsi terhadap keadilan sosial atau variabel kepercayaan interpersonal yang paling memprediksi kepercayaan politik. Metode penelitian yang dipakai adalah korelasional, dengan subjek penelitian yaitu mahasiswa perguruan tinggi se-Indonesia yang berusia di atas 19 tahun, dengan teknik accidental sampling, dan didapatkan sejumlah 1161 responden. Persepsi keadilan sosial diukur dengan Procedural dan Distributive Justice Scale (Blader dan Tyler, 2003), kepercayaan interpersonal diukur dengan Propensity to Trust Scale (Evans dan Revelle, 2008), dan kepercayaan politik diukur dengan Citizen Trust in Government Organizations Scale (Grimmelikhuijsen dan Knies, 2015). Hasil menunjukan bahwa kepercayaan politik berkorelasi positif secara signifikan dengan persepsi keadilan sosial (r = 0.714, n = 1161, p>0.01, one-tailed) dan kepercayaan interpersonal (r = 0.112, n = 1161, p>0.01, one-tailed). Hasil dari analisis regresi juga menunjukan bahwa persepsi keadilan sosial menjadi prediktor yang lebih kuat (β = 0.711) dibandingkan kepercayaan interpersonal (β = 0.114) terhadap kepercayaan politik.

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ABSTRACTThis research purpose was to answer the question regarding whether perceived social justice or interpersonal trust is the stronger predictors of political trust. The research method was correlational study, used accidental sampling method, with university students above 19 years old as the research respondent, and gathered 1161 respondent. Perceived social justice was measured by Procedural dan Distributive Justice Scale (Blader dan Tyler, 2003), interpersonal trust was measured by Propensity to Trust Scale (Evans dan Revelle, 2008), and political trust was measured by Citizen Trust in Government Organizations Scale (Grimmelikhuijsen dan Knies, 2015). Results show that political trust was positively correlated with perceived social justice (r = 0.714, n = 1161, p>0.01, one-tailed) and interpersonal trust (r = 0.112, n = 1161, p>0.01, one-tailed). Regression analysis showed that perceived social justice was the better predictor (β = 0.711) rather than interpersonal trust (β = 0.114) towards political trust."