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"[Munculnya gerakan-gerakan Islam kontemporer di Indonesia saat ini sangat dipengaruhi oleh gerakan-gerakan Islam di Timur Tengah terutama sejak dekade 1970-an . Slogan kebangkitan Islam yang dinyatakan di Mekkah, Arab Saudi ternyata menciptakan dinamika baru di Indonesia . Dampaknya mulai muncul gerakan-gerakan Islam baru berbasiskan kampus sebagai pusat gerakan . Pada saat yang sama pada tahun 1978 pemerintah memperkenalkan sebuah kebijakan yang dikenal dengan istilah Kehidupan Kampus Normalisasi/Badan Koordinasi Mahasiswa ( NKK ). Kebijakan ini diambil karena kampus di Indonesia digunakan sebagai tempat untuk melakukan demonstrasi-demonstrasi menentang penguasa Orde Baru. Oleh karena itu, semua organisasi sosial politik, termasuk organisasi pemuda dilarang untuk aktif di kampus-kampus. Pada tahun 1979, revolusi Islam terjadi di Iran dan membuat Iran negara Islam yang berpengaruh besar pada aktivis muslim Indonesia. Sejak itu bermunculan gerakan-gerakan Islam yang berasal dari Timur Tengah seperti Syiah, Tarbiyah, Salafi, Hizbut Tahrir dan Hizmet., The emergence of contemporary Islamic movements in Indonesia today is heavily influenced by the Islamic movements in the Middle East dated since the decade of the 1970s. The slogan of the Islamic revival that was declared in Mecca, Saudi Arabia turned creating new dynamics in Indonesia. The impacts began to emerge new Islamic movements based on campus. At the same time in 1978 the government introduced a new policy known as the Campus Life Normalization/ the Student Coordination Body (NKK). This policy was adopted because the campuses in Indonesia were used as places to consolidate demonstration against the New Order ruler. Therefore, all socio-political mass organizations, including youth organizations were banned to be actively on campuses. In 1979, Islamic revolution happened in Iran and made Iran an Islamic state which brough a great influence on Indonesian muslim activists. ]"

"Across the Muslim world, religion plays an increasingly prominent role in both the lives of over a billion people. Observers of these changes struggle to understand the consequences of an Islamic resurgence in a democratizing world. Will democratic political participation by an increasingly religious population lead to victories by Islamists at the ballot box? Will more conspicuously pious Muslims participate in politics and markets in a fundamentally different way than they had previously? Will a renewed attention to Islam lead Muslim democracies to reevaluate their place in the global community of states, turning away from alignments with the West or the Global South and towards an Islamic civilizational identity? "

"ABSTRAKSkripsi ini membahas mengenai sejarah pergerakan Islam di Indonesia pada masa permerintahan Orde baru sampai Orde Reformasi. Skripsi ini mendiskusikan peran B.J. Habibie dalam memimpin Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia (ICMI). Pada masa Orde Baru umat Islam terpinggirkan oleh karena kebijakan pemerintah yang represif terhadap pergerakan Islam. Melalui berbagai Programnya ICMI berhasil menarik kembali Islam untuk berperan membangun bangsa. Penilitian ini didasarkan dari sumber arsip yang dimiliki oleh ICMI Center dan surat kabar. Skripsi ini diteliti menggunakan metode sejarah.

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ABSTRACT

This research tries to unearth the history of Islamic movements in Indonesia during the New Order regime until the Reformasi, or post-Soeharto era. It discusses the role of B.J. Habibie at the time of his leadership in the Indonesian Association of Muslim Intellectuals (ICMI). Muslim groups were marginalized throughout the course of New Order era by the goverment?s public policy which repressed the Islamic movement; through a variety of programs, however, the Indonesian Association of Muslim Intellectuals has earned success in restoring the significant roles of Islam in an attempt to build the nation. This research is based upon newspapers as well as historical records held by the Center of Indonesian Association of Muslim Intellectuals. Historical method is employed in this research."

"ABSTRACTSejak berakhirnya era Orde Baru, di Indonesia, terjadi fenomena meningkatnya konservatisme masyarakat di Indonesia, yang ditandai dengan makin merebaknya dukungan dan penerapan perda-perda di daerah yang berdasarkan syariat Islam. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mencari hubungan sebab akibat antara ancaman simbolis identitas agama terhadap meningkatnya konservatisme pada Muslim di Indonesia. Stimulus ancaman simbolis identitas agama diberikan dalam bentuk pembacaan berita yang mengandung tingkat ancaman yang berbeda-beda, sedangkan pengukuran tingkat konservatisme dilakukan dengan menggunakan Social Economic Conservatism Scale SECS Everett, 2013. Partisipan penelitian ini berjumlah 100 orang yang berasal dari mahasiswa aktif S1 maupun D3 Universitas Indonesia. Penelitian ini memiliki desain penelitian 3 ancaman tinggi vs rendah vs netral x 1 konservatisme. Pengujian hipotesis menggunakan teknik one-way ANOVA. Hasil penelitian menemukan adanya pengaruh signifikan negatif dari ancaman simbolis identitas agama terhadap konservatisme F 2, 97 = 37,79.

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ABSTRACTSince the end of the New Order era, Indonesia has experienced a new phenomenon of rising conservatism within the society, characterized by the increasingly popular support and the implementation of sharia themed local bylaws across the country. This research intends to find a causal effect between symbolic threat to religious identity with rising conservatism in Indonesias Muslim population. The stimulus of symbolic threat to religious identity is created by reading news articles that contained different level of threats to religious identity, meanwhile conservatism level is measured with Social Economic Conservatism Scale SECS Everett, 2013 . There are 100 participants in this research, taken from active students of bachelor or vocational program in the University of Indonesia. This research has a design of 3 high threat vs low threat vs neutral threat x 1 conservatism. The hypothesis testing method used in this research is one way ANOVA. This research found a negative, yet significant effect of symbolic threat to religious identity and conservatism F 2, 97 37,79."

"Berdasarkan Undang-Undang Nomor 3 Tahun 2006 tentang Perubahan Atas Undang-Undang Nomor 7 Tahun 1989 tentang Peradilan Agama, Peradilan Agama merupakan satu-satunya lembaga peradilan yang berwenang untuk menyelesaikan perkara ekonomi syariah secara litigasi. Hal ini juga didukung dengan diterbitkannya Peraturan Mahkamah Agung Nomor 14 Tahun 2016 tentang Tata Cara Penyelesaian Perkara Ekonomi Syariah dan Surat Edaran Mahkamah Agung Nomor 2 Tahun 2019 tentang Pemberlakuan Hasil Rapat Pleno Kamar Mahkamah Agung Tahun 2019 Sebagai Pedoman Pelaksanaan Tugas Bagi Pengadilan. Namun demikian, terdapat ketidakpastian hukum mengenai kewenangan penyelesaian perkara kepailitan yang timbul dari kegiatan ekonomi syariah. Kompilasi Hukum Ekonomi Syariah yang merupakan produk hukum Mahkamah Agung dalam bentuk Peraturan Mahkamah Agung, menyatakan bahwa kewenangan untuk menjatuhkan putusan pailit/taflis, sebagai kewenangan Pengadilan/Mahkamah Syar'iyah dalam lingkungan Peradilan Agama. Sedangkan kepailitan itu sendiri sejatinya secara tegas dinyatakan sebagai kewenangan Pengadilan Niaga dalam lingkungan Peradilan Umum dalam Undang-Undang Nomor 37 Tahun 2004 tentang Kepailitan dan Penundaan Kewajiban Pembayaran Utang dan Buku II Pedoman Pelaksanaan Tugas dan Administrasi Pengadilan. Sehingganya, perkara-perkara kepailitan yang timbul dari kegiatan ekonomi syariah, sampai saat ini diadili di Pengadilan Niaga. Adapun pengaturan kepailitan yang digunakan untuk menyelesaikan perkara di Pengadilan Niaga, hingga saat ini tidak memperhatikan prinsip-prinsip syariah yang diperlukan untuk menyelesaikan perkara tersebut. Dengan demikian, sangatlah diperlukan pengaturan kepailitan ekonomi syariah yang secara tegas mengatur tata cara penyelesaian perkara ini sesuai dengan prinsip syariah serta pengadilan yang berwenang menyelesaikannya.

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Law of The Republic of Indonesia Number 3 of 2006 on Amendment to Law Number 7 of 1989 on Religious Courts, states the religious court as the only judiciary institution with exclusive jurisdiction to litigate sharia economic based cases. This provision also supported by Regulation of The Supreme Court Number 14 of 2016 on sharia economic cases settlement procedures and Circular Letter of The Supreme Court Number 2 of 2019 on Enactment of 2019 Supreme Court Chamber Plenary Meeting Results as The Guidelines for Court Duties Implementation. However, there is some uncertainty regarding competence or jurisdiction over bankruptcy cases that stemmed from sharia economic activities. The Sharia Economic Law Compilation which is a product of the Supreme Court Regulation, stipulates that the Religious Courts has the authority to issue sharia economic based bankruptcy judgement/Taflis. On the other hand, Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 37 of 2004 on Bankruptcy and Suspension of Debt Payment Obligations and Book II of Implementation of Court Duties and Administration Guidelines, explicitly states that bankruptcy itself is a part of commercial court jurisdiction. Thus, bankruptcy cases that stemmed from sharia economic activities are being settled in commercial court. For that matter, the set of laws that are implemented in commercial court to settle those kinds of bankruptcy cases, are not specifically sharia compliant. Therefore, it is urgent that a sharia compliant law which specifically provides the procedures on these kinds of bankruptcy cases be enacted."

""Once celebrated in the Western media as a shining example of a 'liberal' and 'tolerant' Islam, Indonesia since the end of the Soeharto regime (May 1998) has witnessed a variety of developments that bespeak a conservative turn in the country’s Muslim politics. In this timely collection of original essays, Martin van Bruinessen, our most distinguished senior Western scholar of Indonesian Islam, and four leading Indonesian Muslim scholars explore and explain these developments. Each chapter examines recent trends from a strategic institutional perch: the Council of Indonesian Muslim scholars, the reformist Muhammadiyah, South Sulawesi's Committee for the Implementation of Islamic Shari'a, and radical Islamism in Solo. With van Bruinessen's brilliantly synthetic introduction and conclusion, these essays shed a bright light on what Indonesian Muslim politics was and where it seems to be going. The analysis is complex and by no means uniformly dire. For readers interested in Indonesian Muslim politics, and for analysts interested in the dialectical interplay of progressive and conservative Islam, this book is fascinating and essential reading."—Robert Hefner, DirectorInstitute on Culture, Religion, and World Affairs, Boston University"