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"Asia Pacific is a region with a great attractions and also highly dynamic, with its growth and economic pulse that affects economy of the world. High economic growth coupled with regionalism and globalisation generates implications the emergence of issues related to maritime security, national borders, disputes on territory rich in resources, environmental issues, transnationals organised crimes, natural disasters, and energy and food security. Globalisation itself creates new interactions among regional countries as a precondition to solve and face common problems in maritime domain awareness network. Regional maritime partnership is a smart choice when regional stability is becoming the goal of all states to maintain regional resilience. Indonesia position is unique as the link between regions dependent on each other. Indonesia never recedes in providing the drive for regional stability through balancing strategies without becoming entangled in alliances. Indonesia Navy as a component of national strength participates in the application of national strategy into naval strategy and operationalising it in diplomacy and multilateral exercises to enhance interoperability among navies in Asia Pacific, especially among ASEAN nations."

"Maritime security is one of important aspects in the state defence system. Because of the wide range of responsibility by the elements of government, therefore abundant of resources is deployed to handle the task in order to contribute a maximum support to the effort in strengthening the state defence. This paper analysed the position of maritime security in the state defence system, so it can produce a significant contribution and also can work cooperatively with other government elements involved in the maritime environment. After a comprehensive analysis in the framework of defence system, it is found that maritime security has a unique position because it is a part of military component as well as non-military component of the state defence system. It also plays a strategic role in improving the people's prosperity as well as in guarding the state sovereignty."

"As the largest archipelago and the widest territorial sea in the world, Indonesian waters has many potential resources for the nation, either for biological and non-biological. Indonesian waters can be used also as a mean of shipping, marine tourism, energy exploration alternatives, as well as shipwreck treasures. When it is used, it will be able to provide a better life for Indonesian people. In the framework of National Defence, Indonesian development paradigm needs to be changed from land oriented to sea oriented development. In compliance with the nations defence paradigm, it needs to prioritise maritime development and also to build a reliable and respected Navy that will synergy with Army and Air Force in order to build a prosperous Indonesia."

"Dalam proses menjaga perdamaian dan stabilitas kawasan, agenda keamanan Perhimpunan Bangsa-Bangsa Asia Tenggara (ASEAN)—sebagai institusi internasional utama di Asia Tenggara—melibatkan negara-negara anggotanya serta negara mitra dari luar dalam kegiatan-kegiatannya. Dengan sengketa maritim yang belum terselesaikan, meningkatnya pengaruh dari negara-negara kuat di ambang perbatasannya, serta munculnya pertanyaan-pertanyaan kritis yang diarahkan pada kemampuan institusi-institusi internasional, peran ASEAN dalam dimensi keamanan maritim lantas menjadi titik kritis secara akademik dan politik. Tinjauan literatur ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis pemahaman akademis mengenai kerja sama keamanan maritim ASEAN secara kritis, serta menerapkan analisis tersebut pada konteks regional yang terus berkembang. Menggunakan 25 literatur serta metode taksonomi, artikel ini mengidentifikasi tiga titik fokus utama literatur: 1) ASEAN sebagai aktor dalam sengketa Laut Tiongkok Selatan; 2) keamanan non-tradisional sebagai fokus utama keamanan maritim ASEAN; dan 3) analisis kritis mengenai kapabilitas dan agensi ASEAN sebagai institusi internasional. Tinjauan ini menemukan bahwa Tiongkok tetap menjadi faktor utama yang konstan dalam diskursus keamanan ASEAN, dan tindakannya di Laut Tiongkok Selatan menjadi tantangan keamanan utama bagi agenda keamanan ASEAN. Tinjauan ini juga menemukan bahwa diskursus akademik terpengaruh oleh interaksi antar-negara adidaya (great powers), khususnya kontestasi antara AS dan Tiongkok. Mengingat aspirasi ASEAN untuk mempertahankan sentralitasnya dalam menjamin perdamaian dan stabilitas kawasan, kajian literatur ini menyimpulkan bahwa ASEAN harus mengambil tindakan jika ingin mempertahankan sentralitas tersebut saat ini.

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The issue of maritime security cooperation has become one of considerable importance within the changing political context of the maritime Southeast Asia region. In the process of establishing and maintaining the region’s peace and stability, the security agendas of the Association of Southeast Asian Nation—acting as Southeast Asia’s premier international institution—sees active participation by both its member states within the region as well as partners from without. But how does it fare in the face of its changing security challenges? With unresolved maritime disputes within its borders, the growing influence of international powers, and critical questions poised at the capabilities of international institutions, ASEAN’s role within the dimension of maritime security becomes a critical academic and political juncture. This literature review aims to critically analyze current academic understanding of ASEAN maritime security cooperation, applying it to the changing regional context. Using 25 relevant academic articles, this article identifies three main focal points of literature: 1) ASEAN as an actor in the South China Sea disputes’ 2) non-traditional security as the primary focus of ASEAN maritime security; and 3) critical analyses regarding ASEAN’s institutional capability and agency. It finds that China remains a constant primary factor in ASEAN’s security discourse, and its actions in the South China Sea constitutes ASEAN’s main security challenge. It also finds that the academic discourse is subject to the encroachment of great power politics, particularly the US-China contestation. Considering ASEAN’s aspirations to maintain its centrality in guaranteeing the region’s peace and stability, this literature review concludes that ASEAN must take political and academic action if it seeks to maintain its current trajectory."

"Tesis ini menganalisa mengenai kebijakan laut Indonesia apakah sudah tewujud sebagai kebijakan yang seharusnya ada untuk sebuah negara kepulauan seperti Indonesia yang memiliki luas perairan 2/3 dari luas daratan sekitar 5.8 juta km², dengan garis pantai sepanjang 81.000 km². Dengan adanya keistimewaan posisi dan letak strategis Indonesia di tataran dunia, laut merupakan media yang paling banyak di gunakan dalam hal lintas ekonomi maupun kapal-kapal militer, serta rentan akan isu Non-Traditional Security lainnya. Akan tetapi Indonesia, belum mampu mengatur dan mengelola keistimewaan laut tersebut dalam menghadapi isu maritime security, dikarenakan law enforcement yang belum optimal dilaksanakan, sehingga dalam kelembagaan nasional terjadi overlapping dalam menjalankan fungsi dan tugas pokok yang saling berbenturan (dijalankan secara sektoral), serta banyaknya kepentingan antar negara di wilayah Asia Tenggara dalam mengahadapi isu kelautan. Dengan demikian adanya kelemahan tersebut, Indonesia belum menjadikan Indonesia sebagai negara maritim yang seutuhnya dan tidak terealisasinya kebijakan laut Indonesia yang akan membawa perubahan pada pembangunan ekonomi dan pertahanan keamanan di laut. Maka, strategi keamanan maritim yang kuat tidak dapat terwujud secara kuat dan normatif.

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This thesis analyzes about the ocean policy of Indonesia is already exist as a policy should be abide for an archipelagic state like Indonesia which has an area of water 2/3 of the land area about 5.8 million km², with a coastline 81,000 km². With the features and location of Indonesia's strategic position at the world level, the sea is the most widely used in cross-economically and military ships, as well as vulnerable to issues Non-Traditional Security. Indonesia, however, have not been able to organize and manage the marine privilege in the face of maritime security issues, because law enforcement is not optimal yet implemented, resulting in overlapping national institutions in carrying out the functions and main tasks are clashing (sectoral), and there are many of interests among states in Northeast Asia region to faces the maritime issue. Thus the existence of these weaknesses, Indonesia yet to make Indonesia as a maritime nation as a whole and not the realization of Indonesia's ocean policy that will bring changes in the economic development and defense and security at sea. Thus, a strong maritime security strategy can not be realized in a powerful and normative."

"Tesis ini membahas tentang penolakan Indonesia terhadap inisiatif kontra terorisme Amerika Serikat di wilayah laut yang disebut Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI). Penelitian ini adalah penelitian kualitatif yang bersifat eksplanatif. Kajian literatur dalam penelitian ini melihat penolakan Indonesia terhadap PSI berdasarkan cost and benefit analysis pada aspek internal (kepentingan politik, kepentingan ekonomi, dan kepentingan militer) dan eksternal (posisi tawar menawar dan logika konsekuensi). Kesimpulan atas penolakan tersebut adalah adanya ketidaksesuaian komponen dalam negeri dan kebijakan luar negeri Indonesia dengan prinsip PSI yang membuktikan lebih banyaknya pengeluaran yang akan ditanggung daripada keuntungan yang diperoleh.

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This thesis discusses the refusal of Indonesia to the United States counterterrorism initiatives in the sea area called Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI). This study is a qualitative interpretive. Literature review in this study perceives the refusal of Indonesia towards PSI is based on cost and benefit analysis on the internal aspects (political interests, economic interests, military interests) and external aspects (bargaining position and logic of consequences). Conclusions for the refusal is the discrepancy between domestic component and Indonesia's foreign policy with PSI principles that proves more costs will be incurred rather than benefits gained."

"Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis dan mengidentifikasi kewenangan lembaga pemerintah dalam penegakan hukum di wilayah laut Indonesia. Permasalahan yang dibahas diantaranya mengenai pengaturan peran dan kewenangan lembaga pemerintah dalam menyelenggarakan penegakan hukum di wilayah laut Indonesia, serta dampak terhadap kewenangan yang sama antara lembaga pemerintah dalam menyelenggarakan penegakan hukum di wilayah laut Indonesia. Metode Penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode yuridis normatif berdasarkan teori kewenangan dengan data sekunder. Hasil yang diperoleh adalah Indonesia mempunyai enam lembaga penegak hukum di wilayah laut antara lain Badan Keamanan Laut, TNI Angkatan Laut, Ditjen Pengawasan Sumber Daya Kelautan dan Perikanan, Ditjen Bea Cukai, Polair, dan Kesatuan Penjagaan Laut dan Pantai. Keenam lembaga tersebut mempunyai kewenangan yang sama sehingga dapat mengakibatkan tumpang tindih yang berdampak pada ego sektoral antar-lembaga penegak hukum, ambiguitas peran sebagai Indonesia sea and coast guard, respon negatif dari negara lain terhadap lembaga penegak hukum wilayah laut di Indonesia dan lemahnya pengaturan kewenangan Bakamla dalam penegakan bhukum di wilayah laut. Pemerintah perlu menerapkan konsepsi omnibus law dengan merevisi/mengubah, mengganti, mencabut atau menggambungkan agar tidak terjadi pertentangan antar peraturan perundang-undangan. Selain itu, Pemerintah perlu merumuskan peraturan perundang-undangan baru dengan menetapkan lembaga yang berwenang sebagai Indonesia sea and coast guard.

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The purpose of this research aims to analyze and identify the authority of government agencies in law enforcement in the Indonesian marine area. Issues discussed include regulating the role and authority, as well as the impact on the same authority between government agencies to carry out law enforcement in Indonesian marine areas. The research method used is a normative juridical method based on the theory of authority with secondary data. The results obtained are that Indonesia has six law enforcement agencies in the marine area, consist of the Indonesia Maritime Security Agency, the Directorate General of Surveillance and Control of Marine and Fishery Resources, the Directorate General of Customs and Excise, the Directorate Marine Police, and the Directorate Indonesian Sea and Coast Guard. The six agencies have the same authority that can lead to impact on sectoral egos between law enforcement agencies, ambiguity in the role of Indonesia as a sea and coast guard, negative responses from other countries to law enforcement agencies in Indonesia's marine areas and the weak regulation of Indonesia Maritime Security Agency. The government needs to implement the omnibus law concept by revising/amending, replacing, revoking or merging so that there is no conflict between laws and regulations. In addition, the Government needs to formulate new laws and regulations by establishing an authorized institution as the Indonesian sea and coast guard."

"The issues of maritime securities have become main concern to all coastal states worldwide including Indonesia. Unfortunately, various issues and problems on maritime securities in Indonesia which are related to stakeholders' views, understandings, perceptions, preparedness, mitigations, and gaps between institution are still matter. Instead, sectoral views are still very strong and causing authority disputes. In this respect, convergence views on maritime security issues and problems at both political, law makers, and technical operation levels are very important in order to overcome various number of maritime security threats faced by Indonesia. In this context, among other important aspects in maritime security, one have not to neglect on the role of geospatial information. This paper will address and discuss geospatial aspects in maritime security. The discussion will address geospatial data, information, methods, and technologies which are required to be well understood by all stakeholders in Indonesia's maritime security management."

"Indonesia sebagai Poros Maritim Dunia (PMD) tidak terlepas dari perkembangan lingkungan strategis yang sangat dinamis. Isu-isu yang berkembang di dalam negeri dan luar negeri yang berkaitan dengan keamanan di laut sangat berpotensi memengaruhi kepentingan Indonesia. Perlu upaya-upaya konkret dalam pemenuhan alat utama sistem terpadu yang ditunjang implementasi dari kebijakan gelar kekuatan laut yang tepat guna menciptakan jaminankeamanan maritim. Dalam Keamanan Maritim Indonesia perlu mengoptimalkan peran dan tugas Bakamla serta penyediaan anggaran yang memadai."

"Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan mengapa kerja sama keamanan berhasil dilakukan dan berjalan efektif, meskipun terdapat sensitivitas antarnegara. Hal ini terjadi dalam kesepakatan kerja sama keamanan maritim di Laut Sulu pada tahun 2016, yaitu Trilateral Cooperative Arrangement (TCA), yang berhasil mereduksi ancaman keamanan di Laut Sulu di tengah isu sengketa wilayah Sabah antara Malaysia dan Filipina. Klaim atas wilayah Sabah yang dilontarkan oleh Presiden Rodrigo Duterte pada tahun 2016 menimbulkan sensitivitas dalam hubungan antara Malaysia dan Filipina. Namun, pada saat yang sama, ancaman di Laut Sulu akibat kejahatan transnasional semakin meningkat. Dengan menggunakan teori kerja sama dalam sistem anarki, penelitian ini berargumen bahwa kerja sama antara Filipina dan Malaysia terwujud karena adanya tiga faktor. Ketiga faktor tersebut adalah adanya kepentingan bersama Malaysia dan Filipina terhadap Laut Sulu, proyeksi kekhawatiran atas ancaman di masa depan, dan jumlah aktor serta pemilihan mitra kerja sama yang sesuai. Melalui pendekatan kualitatif dan metode causal-process tracing, ditemukan bahwa ketiga faktor ini mendorong Malaysia dan Filipina untuk memprioritaskan kerja sama dalam mengatasi ancaman keamanan di Laut Sulu serta mengesampingkan sensitivitas akibat sengketa wilayah Sabah.

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This research aims to explain why security cooperation can be successfully carried out and effectively run despite the sensitivities between the cooperating countries. This can be observed in the Trilateral Cooperative Arrangement (TCA) in the Sulu Sea in 2016, which effectively reduced security threats in the Sulu Sea despite the Sabah territorial dispute between Malaysia and the Philippines. In 2016, President Rodrigo Duterte's claim to the Sabah region reignited tension between Malaysia and the Philippines. But at the same time, the threat in the Sulu Sea from transnational crime was increasing. By applying the theory of cooperation under anarchy, this research demonstrates that cooperation between Malaysia and the Philippines is feasible due to three key factors: both Malaysia and the Philippines have a mutuality of interest in the Sulu Sea, they are concerned about future security threats, and numbers of actors involved and partner selection. Through a qualitative approach and causal-process tracing method, this research found that these three factors led Malaysia and the Philippines to prioritize addressing security threats in the Sulu Sea, considering it a paramount concern. As a result, the two countries prioritize forging a cooperative agreement over the issue of the Sabah dispute."