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"Pendanaan pembangunan melalui transfer ke daerah merupakan salah satu modal dalam pembangunan daerah yang diberikan oleh Pemerintah Pusat dalam era desentralisasi. Kemandirian fiskal merupakan indikator utama dalam mengukur kemampuan pemerintah daerah untuk membiayai sendiri kegiatan pemerintahan daerah. Kemandirian keuangan daerah tercermin dalam Derajat Desentralisasi Fiskal dan Rasio Kemandirian Keuangan Daerah. Derajat Desentralisasi Fiskal adalah rasio Pendapatan Asli Daerah (PAD) terhadap Total Penerimaan Daerah (TPD), sedangkan Rasio Kemandirian Keuangan Daerah adalah rasio Pendapatan Asli Daerah (PAD) terhadap Total Pengeluaran Daerah (TKD) dalam APBD. Tingkat kemandirian keuangan daerah provinsi di Indonesia selama periode tahun 2003-2010, baik dilihat dari nilai Derajat Desentralisasi Fiskal maupun nilai Rasio Kemandirian Keuangan Daerah, termasuk dalam kategori sedang karena nilainya masih berada diantara 30 sampai dengan 40 persen.

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Development funding through regional transfer is one of the capital provided by the Central Government for regional development in this decentralization era. Fiscal independence is the key indicator to measure the local government’s ability to self-finance their activities. The independence of regional finance is reflected in the Degree of Fiscal Decentralization and the Ratio of Regional Finance Independence. Degree of Fiscal Decentralization is the ratio of Regional Revenue (PAD) to Total Regional Revenue (TPD), while the Ratio of Regional Finance Independence is the ratio of Regional Revenue (PAD) to Total of Regional Expenditure (TKD) in Local Budget (APBD). If it is viewed from the Degree of Fiscal Decentralization value and the Regional Finance Independence Ratio value, the level of Regional Finance Independence in Indonesian provinces over the period of 2003-2010 is included in medium category for the value remains in the range of 30 up to 40 percent."

"Independensi bank sentral sebagai bentuk hubungan bank sentral dan negara mengalami tren peningkatan yang signifikan pasca runtuhnya Sistem Bretton Woods. Tulisan ini berupaya untuk menganalisis fenomena peningkatan bank sentral yang independen dari negara melalui kajian terhadap perdebatan konsep independensi bank sentral di antara dua paradigma dominan, yaitu Keynesianisme dan Neoliberalisme. Dalam prosesnya, tulisan ini memanfaatkan metode tipologi dan taksonomi dalam melakukan survei literatur. Argumen utama yang muncul dari analisis tersebut adalah bahwa narasi literatur yang berkembang dan diterima secara masif di tingkat global dalam isu hubungan bank sentral dan negara telah didominansi oleh perspektif paradigma Keynesianisme dan Neoliberalisme. Berdasarkan survei literatur dengan mengandalkan dua metode utama tersebut, tulisan ini juga menemukan kalau narasi independensi bank sentral masih lebih terbatas hanya pada negara maju dan negara Barat yang kemudian menjadi kesenjangan literatur. Oleh karena itu, terdapat tiga poin yang disasar dalam mendalami topik ini, yaitu pemahaman terhadap interpretasi independensi bank sentral, argumentasi kritis sebagai justifikasi independensi bank sentral, dan peranan bank sentral yang independen dalam arsitektur finansial dan moneter global dilihat dari sudut pandang Keynesianisme dan Neoliberalisme.

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Central bank independence as a form of central bank-state relations experienced a significant increase after the collapse of the Bretton Woods System. This paper seeks to observe the phenomenon of increasing central bank that is independent from the state through deep analyzes to the debate over the concept of central bank independence among two dominant paradigms, Keynesianism and Neoliberalism. Using typology and taxonomy as the main methods, this paper argues that Keynesianism and Neoliberalism have dominated academic narratives in mainstream literatures over this debate. Literature review also found that the concept of central bank independence within these two paradigms is still limited only from developed and Western countries which later became literature gaps. Therefore, there are three main points elaborated in this paper, which are the interpretation of central bank independence, critical arguments as justification for central bank independence, and the role of independent central bank in global financial and monetary architecture from the perspective of Keynesianism and Neoliberalism."

"In 2020, the Covid-19 pandemic brought down the economies of countries around the world, including Indonesia. To overcome this crisis, President Joko Widodo enacted Government Regulation in lieu of Laws No.1 of 2020, which currently has become Law No. 2/2020 concerning State Financial Policies and FinancialSystem Stability for Handling the Covid-19 Pandemic and/or in the context of facing threats that endanger the national economy and/or financial systemstability. This Law was designed to deal with the financial system crisis caused byCovid-19. However, some views that this Law contained issues that influences the independence of Bank Indonesia. One aspect that touches the independence of Bank Indonesia in this regulation is related to the purchase of long-term Government Bonds on the Primary Market by Bank Indonesia for the Governmentto conduct the fiscal policies and the PEN Program. Bank Indonesia also funds the state budget deficit through printing money for the Government. The Financial System Stability Committee, which includes the Minister of Finance as coordinator and Bank Indonesia as a member, has a substantial role in Law No. 2 Year 2020. In this regard, economists and experts believe that there has been intervention by the Government against Bank Indonesia’s independence in thispandemic. At the same time, it can also be said that this policy aims to stabilizethe financial system due to the Covid-19 pandemic. The normative juridicalresearch method was used in this thesis to analyze how does Law No. 2 Year 2020 influences Bank Indonesia’s independence."

"Indonesia sejak diproklamirkan kemerdekaannya hingga saat ini telah mempertahankan posisinya yang terus mendukung kemerdekaan Palestina dan mengutuk kolonialisme yang dilakukan Israel. Hal ini sesuai dengan Pembukaan UUD RI 1945, yang menegaskan prinsip Indonesia untuk terus memerangi segala bentuk imperialisme dan kolonialisme. Namun seiring dengan memasukinya Era Reformasi, dukungan yang diberikan terlihat tidak terlalu signifikan, terutama pada masa transisi. Dukungan baru mulai terlihat secara signifikan pada masa Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY). Dalam artikel ini penulis meneliti berbagai bentuk dukungan yang diberikan Pemerintahan Presiden SBY dan berharap dapat melihat signifikansinya terhadap perjuangan kemerdekaan Palestina. Tipe penelitian ini adalah penelitian kualitatif dan ditulis menggunakan metode sejarah. Pengumpulan sumber data berupa surat kabar, buku, serta jurnal yang diperoleh dari koleksi pribadi, koleksi Perpustakaan UI, Perpustakaan Nasional, Litbang Kompas, langganan surat kabar dan juga yang diperoleh secara daring. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa signifikansi dari dukungan dan bantuan yang diberikan memang mengalami peningkatan pada masa Presiden SBY. Namun signifikansi tersebut belum cukup memberikan dampak yang besar terhadap perjuangan kemerdekaan Palestina.

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Indonesia, since its independence was declared until now, has maintained its position of continuing to support Palestinian independence and condemning colonialism carried out by Israel. This is in accordance with the Preamble to the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, which emphasizes Indonesia's principle of continuing to fight all forms of imperialism and colonialism. However, as we entered the Reformation Era, the support provided did not appear to be very significant, especially during the transition period. Support only started to appear significantly during the time of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY). In this article the author examines the various forms of support provided by President SBY's government and hopes to see their significance in the struggle for Palestinian independence. This type of research is qualitative research and is written using historical methods. Collecting data sources in the form of newspapers, books and journals obtained from personal collections, UI Library collections, National Library, Kompas Research and Development, newspaper subscriptions and also those obtained online. The results of this research show that the significance of the support and assistance provided has indeed progressed during the time of President SBY. However, this significance is not enough to have a big impact on the struggle for Palestinian independence."

"Dalam dunia jurnalisme, indepedensi merupakan hal yang sangat penting. Independensi mensyaratkan jurnalis terbebas dari tekanan/ pengaruh apapun di luar kepentingan publik dan hati nurani si jurnalis ketika mencari dan menyampaikan informasi kepada publik. Tanpa adanya independensi sebuah berita akan dipenuhi dengan kepentingan-kepentingan pihak tertentu. Kovach dan Rosenstiel (Kovach, 2001) menempatkan independensi sebagai prinsip atau elemen keempat jurnalisme. Independensi bagi jurnalis berada pada semangat dan pikirannya. Jurnalis seharusnya tidak netral melainkan bersikap dalam karyanya. Independensi diukur dari kredibilitas. Kredibilitas mereka berakar pada akurasi, verifikasi dan kepentingan publik yang lebih besar dan hasrat untuk menyampaikan informasi. Independensi jurnalis semakin diuji ketika menghadapi pemilu. apalagi jika pemilik media ikut terjun dalam dunia politik. Tentunya akan berdampak pada ruang pemberitaan media tersebut karena akan terjadi konflik kepentingan. Hal ini yang terjadi pada RCTI pada saat Pemilihan Umum 2014. Hasil dari analisis tulisan ini menunjukkan bahwa ruang pemberitaan seputar Indonesia melanggar Kode Etik Jurnalistik terutama mengenai prinsip independensi seperti pembatasan berita mengenai Jokowi, rangkap jabatan pemimpin redaksi RCTI sebagai tim sukses salah satu calon presiden hingga pemecatan terhadap produser program seputar Indonesia . Dewan pers pun memberikan teguran kepada RCTI melalui PPR Dewan Pers Nomor 27/ PPR-DP/ XI/ 2014.

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In the world of journalism, independency is very important. The independence requires journalists freed from the pressure / influence anything outside the public interest and conscience of the journalist when searching for and deliver information to the public. Without the independence of the news will be filled with the interests of certain parties.

Kovach and Rosenstiel (Kovach, 2001) puts independence as a principle or fourth element of journalism. The independence of journalists are in the spirit and mind. Journalists should not be neutral but in his work. Measured the independence of credibility. Their credibility rooted in accuracy, verification and greater public interest and desire to convey information.

The independence of journalists getting tested when the elections. especially if the owner of the media go jump in world politics. Will certainly have an impact on the media newsroom as it would be a conflict of interest. This is what happened on RCTI during 2014 elections.

The results of the analysis of this paper shows that the newsroom about Indonesia violated the Code of Ethics of Journalism, especially regarding the independence of such restrictions regarding Jokowi news, dual position as chief editor of RCTI successful team one of the presidential candidates to dismissal of the program producers around Indonesia. Press Council also give warning to RCTI through PPR Press Council No. 27 / PPR-DP / XI / 2014."

"This book describes judicial independence as a central aspect of the rule of law in different stages of transition to democracy. The collection of state-specific studies explores the legal situation of judiciaries in twenty states from North America, over Western, Central and South-Eastern Europe to post-Soviet states and engages in a comparative legal analysis. "

"Skripsi ini mengkaji permasalahan hukum dalam pengisian jabatan hakim agung dan hakim konstitusi di Indonesia, dengan tujuan mengusulkan mekanisme pengisian yang bebas dari intervensi politik. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah penelitian doktrinal dengan pendekatan analitis serta pendekatan perbandingan hukum. Pengisian jabatan hakim di Mahkamah Agung dan Mahkamah Konstitusi merupakan hal krusial dalam menentukan independensi kehakiman. Berdasarkan temuan, terdapat intervensi politik yang dilakukan oleh DPR dalam pemilihan hakim agung yang ditunjukkan dalam pengambilan keputusan subjektif dan ketidakpatuhan DPR terhadap aturan dalam pengisian hakim agung. Sedangkan dalam pengisian hakim konstitusi, intervensi politik terjadi karena ketiadaan peraturan baku yang memungkinkan penyelundupan hukum oleh Pemerintah dan DPR. Solusi yang diajukan melibatkan penambahan syarat masa tenggang bagi anggota partai politik yang mendaftar sebagai calon hakim agung, penguatan sistem nonrenewable term dan penambahan syarat masa tenggang bagi calon hakim konstitusi. Pemerintah juga disarankan untuk mengatur penambahan ketentuan dalam UU tentang MK yang memaksa lembaga pengusul membentuk mekanisme baku yang transparan, profesional, dan memprioritaskan independensi kekuasaan kehakiman.

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This thesis examines legal issues in the appointment of Supreme Court and Constitutional Court judges in Indonesia, aiming to propose a mechanism free from political intervention. The research employs a doctrinal approach with analytical and comparative legal methods. The appointment of judges in the Supreme Court and Constitutional Court is crucial in determining judicial independence. Findings indicate political intervention by the DPR (People's Consultative Assembly) in the selection of Supreme Court judges, evidenced by subjective decision-making and non-compliance with appointment regulations. In the case of Constitutional Court judges, political intervention arises due to the absence of standardized regulations, allowing legal smuggling by the Government and DPR. Proposed solutions involve adding a cooling-off period for political party members applying for the position of Supreme Court judge, strengthening the nonrenewable term system, and introducing a cooling-off period requirement for Constitutional Court candidates. Additionally, it is recommended to amend the Constitutional Court Law to compel proposing institutions to establish standardized mechanisms that are transparent, professional, and prioritize judicial independence."

"One of the important -features. of the 'Arab-Indonesians in Indonesian history is that the Arab-Indonesians have been assimilated themselves into indigineous people. Except in very limited cases, it is very difficult for anybody to distinguish Arab-Indonesians from other Indonesians. Most people consider this assimilation is due to Islam, the religion of all Arab-Indonesians and the religion of the majority of Indonesians. Few people consider it due to the high rate of intermarriage between the Arab-Indonesians and Indonesians. Arab-Indonesians call Indonesians as akhwal, "brothers of their mothers". In addition to the two matters above, this writing tries to present another important matter, that is the role of the Arab-Indonesians in the struggle of Indonesian independence movement. Almost all Arab-Indonesians were on the Indonesians' side against the Dutch, and to some extent Arab-Indonesians had received similar treatment as their brothers, the Indonesians, during the: Dutch colonial period. The first modern movement of Arab-Indonesians, Jamiat Khair, has paid intensive attention to Indonesians. The Jamiat Khair not only receives Indonesians as its members,- such as KHA Dahlan, the founder of Muhammadiyah, but also accepts Indonesian children to its schools. Many Indonesian children have been and are still educated there. These all can also be seen in the other Arab-Indonesian organizations, such as al Irsyad and al Chairaat. Some Arab--Indonesian leaders have great influence on the Indonesians and their leaders. Syekh Ahmad Surkati, the spiritual leader of al Irsyad, for example, was at once KHA Dahlan's closest friend and teacher. He was also the teacher of many Indonesian leaders such as Moh. Roem, M. Rasjidi, Junus Anies, Kasman, Natsir, A. Hassan, and Hail Zamzam, one of the founders of Fersis, Persatuan Islam. Unfortunately, there has been constant dispute among the Arab-Indonesians themselves until the foundation of PAI, Partai Arab Indonesia, by Baswedan and other muwalads, the mixed and local born Arab-Indonesians. Despite their claim that Indonesia is their only mother country, and they struggled, on the side of'Indonesians against the Dutch, all non-Islamic organizations, except Gerindo, refused to accept Arab---Indonesians as their members. After the declaration of Indonesian Independence, however, all Arab-Indonesians became Indonesian citizens. They hand in hand with the Indonesians defended the Republic of Indonesia against the Dutch and their colaborators. Many Arab--Indonesians not only became members but also leaders of both Islamic and non-Islamic organizations, such as PSI, Partai Socialis Indonesia, and PNI, Partai Nasional Indonesia."