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"Tesis ini menganalisis fenomena politik uang dan keterlibatan pemuda pada pemilihan anggota legislatif 2014 di Bojonegoro. Temuan penelitian ini menggambarkan besarnya motivasi berkuasa menjadi pendorong kuat untuk melakukan politik uang. Konsumerisme dan materealisme yang masuk dalam wilayah politik menjadikan hal-hal yang bersifat ideologi, program kerja, nilai dan norma politik menjadi kurang relevan. Penerapan sistem proporsional terbuka membuat persaingan antarcaleg semakin ketat. Lemahnya pengawasan aparat serta sulitnya penindakan pelanggaran Pemilu menjadikan pelaku politik uang semakin leluasa bergerak. Di sisi lain, pemuda yang semestinya menjadi agen perubahan malah terlibat aktif dalam praktik politik uang dan membangun hubungan patron-klien dengan Caleg.

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This thesis analyzes the phenomenon of money politics and youth involvement in the 2014 legislative elections in Bojonegoro. The findings of this study illustrate the magnitude of power to drive strong motivation for money politics. Consumerism and materealisme that fall into political territory to make the things that are ideologies, programs, values and political norms become less relevant. Application of open proportional system makes competition increasingly fierce antarcaleg. Weak supervision and the difficulty of enforcement officers make the perpetrators of violations of election politics more freely move money. On the other hand, youth who should be agents of change instead actively engaged in the practice of money politics and build patron-client relationships with candidates."

"Korporasi didefinisikan sebagi kumpulan orang dan/atau kekayaan yang terorganisi baik merupakan badan hukum maupn bukan badan hukum. Salah satu bentuk korporasi yang berbentuk badan hukum adalah partai politik. Dalam negara demokrasi, partai politik memiliki peran yag sangat penting untuk menunjang kahidupan berbangsa dan bernegara. Namun, dalam perkembangannya di Indonesia, terdapat beberapa partai politik yang diduga terlibat dalam tindak pidana korupsi dan tindak pidana pencucian uang. Meskipun secara normatif sistem hukum pidana Indonesia telah mengakui partai politik sebagai subjek hukum tindak pidana, namun sampai saat ini belum ada satupun partai politik yang dikenakan pertanggungjawaban pidana, khususnya dalam tindak pidana korupsi dan tindak pidana pencucian uang. Maka dalam penelitian ini akan dibahas tentang konsep pertanggungjawaban pidana terhadap partai politik yang terlibat tindak pidana korupsi dan tindak pidana pencucian uang, konsep pemidanaan yang dapat dijatuhkan kepada parta politik yang terlibat tindak pidana korupsi dan pencucian uang, dan faktor-faktor yang menghambat dikenakannya pertanggungjawaban pidana dan pemidanaan terhadap partai politik yang terlibat tindak pidana korupsi dan tindak pidana pencucian uang. Adapun metode penelitian yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode penilitian yuridis-normatif, dengan menggunakan pendekatan masalah peraturan perundang-undangan, perbandingan hukum, dan konseptual.

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A corporation is defined as a collection of person and / or assets organized either as a legal entity and not a legal entity. One of corporation that defined as legal entity is a political party. In a democratic country, political parties have a very important role to support the life of the nation and the state. However, in Indonesia, there are several political parties allegedly involved in corruption and money laundering. Although Indonesian criminal justice system has acknowledged political parties as the subject of criminal law, yet to date no single political party has been subject to criminal responsibility, particularly in corruption and money laundering. In this research will be discussed about the concept of criminal liability for political parties that involved in corruption and money laundering crimes, the concept of punishment that can be imposed on political parties that involved in corruption and money laundering, and the inhibits factors for imposition of criminal liability of political parties that involved in corruption and money laundering. The research method used in this research is the method of juridical-normative method, and using statue approach, comparative approach, and conceptual approach."

"Penelitian ini membahas mengapa mayoritas penduduk di Indonesia beragama Islam, namun partai-partai Islam tidak pernah menang. Dari literatur sebelumnya dijelaskan peran struktur negara pada masa Orde Baru dan elit politik Islam yang tidak kredibel membuat pemilih muslim lebih memilih partai lain (partai non-Islam). Sementara dalam penelitian ini lebih melihat perilaku pemilih muslimnya. Faktor sosiologis yang meliputi ritual ibadah, keterlibatan dalam kelompok sosialkeagamaan, dan orientasi Islam politik berhubungan dengan pilihan politik muslim dan menyebabkan adanya aliran politik. Selain itu, pada faktor psikologis, adanya hubungan afeksi atau kedekatan partai dan tokoh dengan pilihan politik muslim. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kuantitatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data melalui survey. Jumlah sampel dalam penelitian ini sebesar 100 pemilih muslim yang berasal dari partai politik yang berbeda. Penarikan sampel menggunakan cluster random sampling. Dari hasil penelitian ditemukan bahwa faktor sosiologis yang meliputi ritual ibadah, keterlibatan dalam kelompok sosial-keagamaan, dan orientasi Islam politik memiliki hubungan dengan perilaku memilih. Sementara faktor psikologis yang meliputi afeksi partai dan afeksi tokoh tidak memiliki hubungan dengan perilaku memilih.

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This study discusses why the majority of the population in Indonesia are Muslims, but the Islamic parties have never won. From the literature previously described the role of state structures in the New Order and the political elite of Islam is not credible make Muslim voters prefer the other party, while this research is looking at the behavior of Muslim voters. Sociological factors which include the ritual of worship, involvement in socio-religious groups, and the orientation of political Islam have relationship with political choice of muslim voters and make a political cleavages in islamic societies. Moreover, in the psychological factors, including affection of parties and leader have relationship with political choice of muslim voters. This study uses a quantitative method with data collection through surveys. The number of samples is 100 Muslim voters who come from different political parties. Sampling using cluster random sampling. From the research found that the sociological factors that include rituals, involvement in socioreligious groups, and the orientation of political Islam have relationship with voting behavior. While psychological factors that include affection of party and leader have no relationship with voting behavior."

"Adalah suatu kenyataan bahwa banyak caleg perempuan yang gagal dalam pemiliban dengan mekanisme suara terbanyak pada Pemilu 2014. Mencengangkan sekaligus mempribatinkan, karena tindakan afrrmasi terhadap caleg perempuan seakan "tidak berdaya" menghadapi suatu pemiliban langsung. Penelitian ini dibuat untuk mengetahui apa yang menyebabkan kekalahan tersebut. Apakah modal ekonomi, modal sosial dan modal politik berimbas terhadap keberhasilan caleg perempuan pada Pemilu 2014. Pendekatan yang digunakan adalah pendekatan kwalitatif berperspektif gender, dengan metode tekbnik pengumpulan data, melalui wawancara terfokus, observasi dan studi dokumen. Temuan penelitian ini sebagai berikut; pertama, partai politik adalah penguasa tunggal dalam menentukan nomor urut maupun daerah pemiliban caleg; kedua, modal ekonomi caleg perempuan tidak sebesar caleg laki-laki kebanyakan didapat dari hasil sharing diantara anggota keluarga; ketiga, kekalahan caleg perempuan pada pemilu dengan mekanisme suara terbanyak lebib kepada ketidak pahaman mereka akan makna sebenarnya dari modal sosial, sehingga sebagian besar dari mereka teijebak pada kegiatan penggalangan pada tahapan seremonial; keempat, beban caleg perempuan lebib berat. Mereka harus terlebib dahulu menyelesaikan persoalan relasi kekuasaan dalam intern keluarga untuk mendapatkan ijin menjadi caleg bam kemudian "bertarung" menghadapi persaingan bebas pada pemiliban langsung di Pemilu 2014; kelima, para informan dapat menerima kekalahan mereka dengan legowo dan tidak "patah arang"keenam, seluruh caleg perempuan subjek penelitian ini menghendaki agar pemiliban kembali ke sistim nomor urut; ketujuh, caleg perempuan ada kesempatan untuk menang, jika mereka memaksimalkan kekuatan modal sosialnya.

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It is the reality that many Indonesia woman candidates failed during the most votes system at last 2014 election.Flabbergast andalso be apprenhensive about the election, because avirmative action towards women candidates looks "helpless" confront the direct vote system. The objective of this study is to find out cause of their failure. Wether or not, financial capital, social capital, and political capital confront to the sucsesfullnes of woman candidates at the 2014 election. The research was based on qualitative approach with gender's perspektif, and applied data collecting technique by means of; observation, in depth interview, and document study.

The result of this research discovered that; first, Political Party is the sole decision maker for sequential number and electoral region, to parliamentary candidate; second, The amounts of financial capital ofWoman's candidates are less than man Usually they collect it together with the family; third, The failure of woman's candidates at the election, because they didn't understand about the true meaning of social capital, that's why most of them seems to be trapped at ceremonial activity; fourth, Women's candidates burden, heavier than man because as a candidate, firstly they have to solve their own problem concerning with the relation of power in their family.

They have to get their permission to be a candidate. Sothat they can fight through the direct vote election 2014; fifth , All the informant can receive their discomfiture, and they were not "charcoal broken"; sixth, All the informant prefer election with the sequential number; seventh, Woman's candidates still have chance to win, by maximize their social capital."

"Pertanggungjawaban pidana korporasi bukan hal yang baru di hukum Indonesia. Terbukti dengan sejak tahun 1951 sudah terdapat perundang-undangan di Indonesia yang menerima korporasi sebagai subjek hukum pidana. Selanjutnya perkembangan pertanggungjawaban korporasi semakin terlihat dalam peraturan perundang-undangan diluar KUHP. Namun sangat di sayangkan bahwa di dalam KUHP, korporasi belum dianggap sebagai subjek hukum pidana. Ditambah dalam KUHAP yang kita milikipun belum terdapat hukum acara mengenai korporasi. Dengan tidak adanya pedoman pasti mengenai pertanggungjawaban korporasi baik dalam KUHP dan KUHAP, maka dalam setiap perundangundangan pengertian dan sebutan korporasi pun berbeda-beda, sehingga hal tersebut menimbulkan permasalahan. Dalam tesis ini akan dibahas secara khusus apakah partai politik termasuk kedalam pengertian korporasi, khususnya dalam Undang-Undang No. 8 Tahun 2010 tentang Pencegahan dan Pemberantasan Tindak Pidana Pencucian Uang. Kemudian akan dibahas mengenai bagaimana melakukan pencucian uang melalui partai politik, apa dampak yang ditimbulkan apabila terdapat partai politik yang melakukan pencucian uang serta, apa akibat hukum dari partai politik yang terlibat melakukan tindak pidana pencucian uang. Sebagai bagian terakhir akan diberikan kesimpulan dan saran mengenai permasalahan tersebut agar hukum Indonesia dapat menjamin keadilan dan kepastian hukum.

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Indonesia is already acknowledge Corporate crime responsibility. Its proven that since 1951 indonesia already have a regulation that accepted corporation as a subject of criminal law. After that in the progress about corporate criminal responsibility, theres a lot of regulation outside the criminal code that legislate about it. That makes in Indonesia criminal code, does not have the regulation about corporate criminal. The same goes to the regulation of procedural law in Indonesia. The problem that we have is because the rule about corporate criminal responsibility is spread in many regulations, that makes the definitions about it is based on many regulation.

This thesis will explain about the definition about corporate criminal responsibility especially about political parties. Is the definition of political parties are included in the definition of corporation based on regulation about money laundering. It will be discussed about how to do it in political party. Last but not least it will discuss about legal consequences if political parties are proven doing a money laundering. At the end of this thesis there will be a conclusion and suggestion about the problems so that Indonesia will have a better regulation about corporate criminal responsibility especially about political party criminal responsibility."

"ABSTRACTHow many voters sell their votes in Indonesia, and how effective is it? Elaborated from a wide range of survey methods -whether individual, observational, or derived from the list-experiment, the proportion of voters participating in vote-buying in the 2019 election was between 19,4% and 33,1%. This range is comparatively high by international standards, with Indonesia's level of vote buying being the third largest in the world. Given that the list-experiment and the straight-forward survey questions result inconsistent findings, it can be concluded that vote buying is less likely to be stigmatized, and such practice has become a new normal during the election. This study also finds that Indonesia's open-list proportional system shapes the supply-side of vote buying. Under such an electoral system, candidates are forced to compete against co-partisans for personal votes. And because, according to the open-list system, a seat (or seats) secured by a party must be allocated to that party's candidates who obtained the most individual votes, candidates only need to win a small slice of the votes to defeat their co-partisans. To do so, they need to differentiate themselves from their party peers, including by buying votes."

"ABSTRACTMoney politics has posed a major challenge in Indonesian general election, which has not only dangerously polluted the election's integrity but also triggered the emergence of political corruption. There have been at least 13 corruption cases handled by KPK with correlation with the costs to win the election, including the practice of nomination buying and vote buying. This article examines the correlation between money politics and political corruption, and suggests the importance of political parties' reform as a necessary solution, particularly regarding the recruitment of election candidates, political party financing, and voter education. This agenda is important because the roots of nomination and vote buying mainly come from political parties's problems."

"Tesis ini ingin mengetahui sejauh mana iklan politik partai pada pemilu legislative 2014 berperan sebagai ruang publik pemilu. Dalam hal ini akan dibahas bagaimana struktur kepemilikan televisi dan iklan politik komersial televisi berpengaruh terhadap pembentukan ruang publik pemilu. Tesis ini menggunakan konsep ruang publik dan analisis diskursus menurut teori tindakan komunikasi Habermas, serta pendekatan ekonomi politik komunikasi untuk mengetahui faktor-faktor struktural yang mempengaruhi ruang publik pemilu. Hasil studi ini menunjukkan bahwa iklan politik partai pada pemilu legislatif gagal untuk membangun ruang publik pemilu karena didominasi oleh iklan pencitraan, adanya komersialisasi iklan politik dan konsentrasi kepemilikan media. Kelemahan dibidang peraturan hukum dan penegakan hukum terkait dengan penyelenggaraan pemilu ikut menyumbang bagi kemungkinan terjadinya praktik keberpihakan politik media. Dalam hal ini telah terjadi kolonisasi ruang publik pemilu oleh koalisi antara elit politik dan elit media untuk kepentingan politik mereka. Media penyiaran telah gagal berperan sebagai ruang publik untuk membangun demokrasi Indonesia yang berkualitas.

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This thesis discusses the political discourse on party political advertising in the 2014 legislative election, to determine wheter the party political advertising can function as a public sphere of election according Habermas’s conception. In addition, it also discusses how the ownership structure of commercial television and commercial political advertising will influence the public sphere of election. The methodology in this thesis uses the concept of public sphere and discourse analysis according to Habermas's theory of communication action, as well as the political economy of communication approach to determine the structural factors that influence the public sphere of election.

The results of this study stated that the party political advertising in legislative election dominated by advertising imagery that failed to build a public sphere of election. Furthermore, the commercialization of political advertising and concentration of media ownership has resulted media bias to a particular political party. Weakness in the field of rule of law and law enforcement related to the election contributed to the political bias of media practices. In this case there has been a colonization of public sphere in the legislative election by a coalition between the party political elite and the media elite for their political interests. Broadcast media have failed to act as a public sphere to build the quality of democracy in Indonesia."