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"Persoalan mengenai pendirian rumah ibadah yang masih sering terjadi dan kerap berujung pada konflik. Benih konflik yang terjadi pada pendirian Gereja Bernadet sudah ada sejak Tahun 1990 namun tidak diselesaikan secara tuntas. Konflik semakin melebar dan jauh dari pokok pemasalahan. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif yang bertujuan untuk menganalisis dinamika konflik yang terjadi serta pola penanganannya. Hasil penelitian mengungkapkan bahwa akar permasalahan konflik adalah adanya pengaruh fundamentalisme dalam beragama. Konflik semakin berkembang ketika isu-isu keagamaan digunakan untuk membangun solidaritas konflik. Konflik diperburuk dengan adanya konflik vertikal antara tokoh masyarakat dengan Pemerintah Daerah. Dalam menyikapi konflik masyarakat menunjukan sikap negatif dan perilaku koersif. Akibatnya konflik semakin mengakar dan berdampak pada menurunnya stabilitas daerah dan diikuti melemahnya ketahanan daerah. Dalam penanganan konflik menggunakan strategi manajemen konflik melalui pengendalian sosial.

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The onging problems about the establishment of house of worship often ended with conflict. The seeds of conflict in the establishment of Bernadette Church has existed since 1990 but was not fully resolved. As the result, the conflict widened and led from subject matter. This study was conducted by using qualitative approach which aimed to analyze the dynamics of the conflict as well as the pattern of treatment. The results of the study revealed that the root cause of the conflict is the effect of religious fundamentalism. The number of conflicts were growing when religious issues used as the cause to build solidarity conflict. The conflict exacerbated by the presence of vertical conflict between community leaders and local government. In addressing conflict, community showed negative attitudes and coercive behavior. As the result, the conflict was deeply rooted, the stability of the region diminished and regional resilience weakened. In resolving the conflict, writer used conflict management strategy through social control."

"Tesis ini membahas konflik antara kelompok pada pendirian tempat ibadah GKI Taman Yasmin, Bogor, Jawa Barat, dengan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa pada konflik tersebut terjadi dominasi oleh satu kelompok kepada kelompok lainnya. Keragam otoritas dalam masyarakat, menurut Dafrendorf, yang memungkinkan hal itu terjadi. Mereka yang secara jumlah mayoritas menggunakan potensi tersebut sebagai sumber otoritas untuk mengontrol otoritas negara untuk mengikuti keinginan dan kepentingannya. Konflik yang terjadi melibatkan kelompok-kelompok lain di luar jemaat GKI Taman Yasmin dengan warga sekitar lokasi gereja (Forkami). HTI, FPI, GARIS, KontraS, dan Komnas Perempuan, misalnya, adalah beberapa kelompok kepentingan yang terlibat dalam konflik ini. Pada konflik GKI Taman Yasmin, negara sebagai pemegang otoritas penyelenggara negara (Pemerintah Kota Bogor) juga ”takluk” pada dominasi kelompok tertentu. Kelompok penolak memiliki alasan menolak pendirian gereja, yaitu karena di wilayah berdirinya gereja adalah mayoritas muslim, serta adanya pemalsuan tanda tangan warga pada 15 Januari 2006 yang dilakukan Munir Karta (sebagai Ketua RT) sebagai persetujuan pendirian gereja. Sebaliknya bagi kelompok pendukung, GKI Taman Yasmin dianggap telah memenuhi syarat pendirian gereja, dan berdasarkan putusan Mahkamah Agung (MA), kebijakan Pemkot Bogor membekukan Izin Mendirikan Bangunan (IMB) gereja pada tahun 18 Februari 2008 adalah salah. Karena itu, kebijakan Pemkot Bogor yang mencabut IMB secara permanen pada 11 Maret 2011 dianggap menyalahi aturan, termasuk menyimpang dari rekomendasi wajib Ombudsman Republik Indonesia. Selain itu, pengaturan konflik kepentingan pada pendirian tempat ibadah melalui Pengadilan sebagai pihak ketiga adalah salah satu cara yang perlu dikembangkan sebagai mekanisme pengelolaan konflik.

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This thesis discuss about inter group conflict on establishment of places of worship GKI Taman Yasmin in Bogor, West Java, using a qualitative approach. The results showed that conflict occurred because of domination by one group to another group. This is called Authority Diversity in society, according Dafrendorf. The majority potentially uses such as the source of authority to control the state authorities to follow their wishes and interests. Conflicts has involve other groups outside the GKI Taman Yasmin and societies around the location of the church (Forkami). HTI, FPI, GARIS, KontraS, and Komnas Perempuan, are some of the interest groups involved on that conflict. The State as stakeholder of the authority of state officials (City Government) was also "give in" to the group dominance. Repellent groups have rejected the establishment of the church building grounds. This happen because of the church will be established in the region of majority of Muslim, and because of the fake signature that do Munir Karta (as the head of neighborhood) on January 15, 2006 for the approval of the establishment of the church. The support groups, had considered that GKI Taman Yasmin had eligible to establishment of the church, and according the decision of the Supreme Court (MA), Bogor City Government policies to freeze Building Permit (IMB) of the church on February 18, 2008 is incorrect. Therefore, Bogor City Government policies that permit permanently revoked on March 11, 2011 is considered to violate the rules, including mandatory deviate from the recommendations of the Ombudsman of the Republic of Indonesia. Furthermore, setting a conflict of interest in the establishment of places of worship by the Court as a third party is one way to be developed as a mechanism of conflict management."

"Klithih merujuk pada aksi kekerasan di jalanan Yogyakarta pada malam hari. Fenomena ini tidak terbatas pada perilaku iseng remaja, namun telah berubah menjadi subkultur yang kompleks di Yogyakarta. Tugas karya akhir ini membahas bagaimana klithih dilihat masyarakat sebagai perilaku yang bersifat kriminogenik sedangkan klithih dikontestasikan sebagai kegiatan kultural oleh pelaku klithih itu sendiri. Adanya perbedaan pandangan tersebut tidak lepas dari eksistensi konflik budaya. Pengumpulan data diperoleh melalui studi literatur. Pembahasan tulisan ini dibantu dengan perspektif kriminologi budaya dan teori subkultur delinkuen milik Albert Cohen, serta konsep kebudayaan, konfllik budaya dan subkultur. Hasilnya, konflik budaya antara pelaku klithih dengan masyarakat Yogyakarta terjadi karena adanya perbedaan interpretasi terhadap nilai dan norma yang ada. Konflik budaya menjadi akar dari pembentukan wacana yang cenderung negatif terhadap klithih sebagai reactive subculture di masyarakat.

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Klithih refers to violent acts on the streets of Yogyakarta at night. This phenomenon is not limited to juvenile fad behavior, but has turned into a complex subculture in Yogyakarta. This final project discusses how klithih is seen by the community as criminogenic behavior while klithih is contested as a cultural activity by the klithih actors themselves. The existence of these different views cannot be separated from the existence of cultural conflicts. Data collection was obtained through literature study. The discussion of this paper is assisted by the perspective of cultural criminology and delinquent subculture theory by Albert Cohen, also the concept of culture, cultural conflict and subculture. As a result, cultural conflicts between klithih actors and the people of Yogyakarta occur because of different interpretations of existing values and norms. Cultural conflict is the root of the formation of discourse that tends to be negative towards klithih as a reactive subculture in society."

"Dua studi kuantitatif dilakukan dalam konteks konflik yang terjadi selama proses Pemilihan Gubernur 2017 di Jakarta. Data studi 1 dikumpulkan dari 442 sampel dan data studi 2 dikumpulkan dari 421 sampel, yang dipilih dengan menggunakan teknik accidental sampling. Sampel dipilih dari warga Jakarta yang menggunakan hak pilih mereka dan mengidentifikasi bahwa mereka sebagai anggota kelompok yang terlibat dalam konflik yang terjadi selama pemilihan Gubernur Jakarta 2017. Studi 1 dilakukan untuk menjelaskan bagaimana emosi berbasis kelompok seperti harapan, rasa benci, rasa bersalah, rasa malu, dan rasa marah dapat memprediksi kesiapsediaan untuk berekonsiliasi dalam konflik antarkelompok. Studi 2 dilakukan untuk membuktikan bahwa emosi berbasis kelompok seperti harapan, rasa benci, rasa bersalah, rasa malu, dan rasa marah dapat memprediksi kesiapsediaan untuk berekonsiliasi lebih baik daripada variabel bukan emosi seperti trust, identifikasi kelompok, dan out-group blame. Data dianalisis dengan menggunakan teknik Structural Equation Modeling untuk membangun teori model terintegrasi dan menguji hipotesis penelitian. Hasil studi 1 menunjukkan bahwa harapan, rasa benci, rasa marah, dan rasa bersalah dapat memprediksi kesiapsediaan untuk berekonsiliasi, sementara hasil studi 2 menunjukkan adanya pengaruh yang signifikan antara harapan, rasa benci, rasa bersalah terhadap kesiapsediaan untuk berekonsiliasi Temuan dalam penelitian ini mendukung asumsi bahwa harapan, rasa bersalah dan trust memiliki pengaruh poositif terhadap kesiapsediaan untuk berekonsiliasi, sementara rasa benci dan out-group blame mengakibatkan berkurangnya tingkat kesiapsediaan untuk berekonsiliasi dengan kelompok lawan. Di antara semua variabel yang diuji, studi-studi ini memberikan bukti rasa bersalah terhadap out-group merupakan prediktor terkuat pada kesiapsediaan untuk berekonsiliasi antar-kelompok yang terlibat konflik PILKADA Jakarta 2017. Hasil penelitian ini juga memberikan bukti bahwa emosi berbasis kelompok dapat memprediksi kesiapsediaan untuk berekonsiliasi lebih baik dibandingkan variabel bukan emosi seperti out-group blame dan group identification.

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Two quantitative studies were conducted within the context of conflict which occurred during Jakarta's 2017 Governor Election process. The first study aimed to gain explanation whether group-based emotion including hope, anger, hatred, shame and guilt could predicts willingness to reconcile. The second study was conducted to answer wheter group-based emotions could predicts more significantly than non-emotional variables such as trust, group identification, and out-group blame. In the first study, the data were collected using accidental sampling from 442 Jakarta residents, who use their voting rights and identified that they were part of the groups that involved in conflicts that occurred during Jakarta's 2017 Governor elections. The data for second study were collected from 421 sample within the same manner  The data were analyzed using Structural Equation Modeling techniques to build the integrated model theory and test the research hypothesis.

The result from first study revealed that hope, hatred, anger and guilt could predicts willingness to reconcile, while in the second study shows hope, hatred, guilt, trust and out-group blame could predicts willingness to reconcile. The findings support the notion that hope, trust, and guilt have a positive impact to the willingness to reconcile, while hatred, anger and out-group blame resulting in participants reducing the willingness to reconcile with opposing candidate's supporting group. These studies also gave evidence that guilt was the strongest predictor of willingness to reconcile in the inter-group conflict in the Jakarta 2017 regional elections. The results of the latest study provide evidence that group-based emotions could predict participant's willingness to engage in post-conflict reconciliation better than non-emotional variables such as trust and out-group blame."

"Konstitusi RI menjamin kemerdekaan setiap penduduk dalam memeluk dan beribadat menurut agama dan kepercayaannya. Namun, puluhan tahun sejak kemerdekaan Republik Indonesia, konflik akibat pendirian rumah ibadat masih jamak terjadi. Beberapa kasus menunjukkan bahwa kaum minoritas di daerah mayoritas penduduk memeluk agama berbeda mengalami hambatan dalam mendirikan rumah ibadat. Tujuan dilakukannya penelitian ini untuk mengetahui bagaimana negara memainkan peran dalam konflik yang berlangsung di tengah masyarakat dalam kasus penolakan pembangunan Gereja HKBP Filadelfia di Kabupaten Bekasi dan Gereja Katolik Santa Clara di Kota Bekasi. Disebutkan oleh Theda Skocpol, negara bersifat otonom dan negara memiliki instrumen-instrumen untuk mencapai tujuannya. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah kualitatif deskriptif. Adapun teknik pengumpulan data yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah dengan wawancara dan studi dokumen. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa perbedaan standpoint dalam penanganan konflik di dua kasus tersebut memengaruhi proses penyelesaian konflik sekaligus menguji otonomi negara. Dalam kasus Gereja HKBP Filadelfia, peran "civil society" melalui kelompok kepentingan (interest groups) yang menolak pembangunan gereja memberi kontribusi negatif pada penyelesaian konflik karena berhasil menaklukkan otoritas politik demokratis, yaitu negara yang direpresentasikan oleh Pemda Kabupaten Bekasi.

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The Indonesian Constitution guarantees the independence of every citizen in embracing and worshiping according to their religion and beliefs. However, decades since the independence of the Republic of Indonesia, conflicts due to the construction of houses of worship are still common. Some cases show that minorities in majority areas of different religions experience obstacles in establishing a hous of worship. The purpose of this research is to find out how the state plays a role in the ongoing conflict in society with two case studies, namely the rejection of the establishment of the Filadelfia HKBP Church in Bekasi Regency and the Santa Clara Catholic Church in Bekasi City. As stated by Theda Skocpol, the state is autonomous and the state has instruments to achieve its own goals. The method used in this research is qualitative method. The data collection techniques used in this research are interviews, and documentary studies. The results showed that the standpoint differences in conflict resolution in the two cases affected the conflict resolution process and at the same time tested state autonomy. In the case of the HKBP Filadelfia Church, the role of "civil society" through interest groups who refused the church's construction contributed negatively to conflict resolution because it succeeded in conquering democratic political authority, namely the State represented by the Bekasi Regency local government."

"On the past new era, we always see the action of, expansion the violence for take over the human right of the society ( local community) to ward the plantation or horticultural and the natural resources which done by the Government or private company. Even for the low level society, the action of losing, expansion and violence are things which threaten their life. Even most of us call it as the era of Reformation, but the society's fate has become a sacrifice of the action and it hasn't changed. All of these happened because the society lived in a country with unjustice.

Based on the thought above, the researcher tried to learn the conflict about expansion and the violence for take over the plantation which done by the company of oil palm, which titled : The Effort of Reconciliation of Conflict Between Society of Mahato And PT. Torganda in North Tambusai Regent of Rokan Hulu Riau Province.

The research found, the efforts which are taken to reconciliate the conflict was only the effort to make it peace and compensation. It's often interpreted as the causes of conflict's appearing while the substance of the conflict has been never touched.

Many cases and efforts of reconciliation which done need to learn more deeply. How ever the research tried to open our mind to know a lot the cases deeply which caused why the conflict happened, so the effort of the reconciliation which has been doing will effectively be applied."

"Madiation as one of conflict resolution tool needs neutrality as its prerequisite. Neutrality is needed to guarantee that the third party does not have any vested or national interest. Vested or national interest of the third party will affect the mediation and the negotiation will not reach the best result for each parties. In this case neutrality cannot be fulfilled by United Nation in Morocco-Western Sahara negosiation and this is become stalemate in resolving conflict between Moroco and Western Sahara. This paper will examine why UN cannot play as neutral mediator in this negotiation."