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"ABSTRAKPenelitian ini dilakukan untuk mengetahui apakah soft power China dapat mempengaruhi pembentukan preferensi reunifikasi damai Taiwan. Ketika Taiwan mengalami resesi terburuk dalam sejarah oleh karena krisis ekonomi global pada tahun 2008, China menjadikan hal tersebut sebagai peluang untuk membantu permasalahan ekonomi Taiwan melalui Economic Corporation Framework Agreement (ECFA). Kerjasama ekonomi ini dimanfaatkan oleh China untuk mempengaruhi Taiwan melakukan apa yang diinginkan oleh China, yakni reunifikasi damai. Dalam penelitian ini, teori soft power Joshua Kurlantzick digunakan untuk membangun hipotesis, melakukan pengamatan sampai dengan menguji data. Penulis menggunakan metode kualitatif deskriptif dengan melakukan analisa data sekunder. Hasil dari penelitian menunjukkan bahwa ECFA sebagai soft power China mampu mempengaruhi pembentukan preferensi reunifikasi damai Taiwan melalui pengakuan Taiwan terhadap prinsip One China. Dimana semakin ECFA memberikan manfaat bagi Taiwan, maka semakin tinggi pula preferensi reunifikasi damai Taiwan melalui pengakuan prinsip One China.

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ABSTRACT

The study was conducted to determine whether China?s soft power may affect Taiwan's preferences of peaceful reunification. As Taiwan suffered the worst recession in history due to global economic crisis in 2008, China saw ​​it as an opportunity to help Taiwan's economic problems through Economic Corporation Framework Agreement (ECFA). The economic cooperation is used by China to influence Taiwan to do what is desired by China, peaceful reunification. In this study, Joshua Kurlantzick?s soft power theory was applied to build the hypotheses, conduct observations and test the data. The author applied descriptive qualitative method by analyzing secondary data. Results from the study showed that the ECFA as China?s soft power was able to influence Taiwan preferences of peaceful reunification by recognition of One China principle. The higher ECFA benefits Taiwan, the higher Taiwan?s preference to peaceful unification through recognition of One China Principle."

"ABSTRAKPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan dampak ketidakpastian terhadap fleksibilitas institusi internasional dalam kasus kerja sama perdagangan Cross-Strait Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) antara Tiongkok dengan Taiwan. Kerja sama antara Tiongkok dengan Taiwan menarik untuk diteliti karena kedua negara tersebut dapat menjalin kerja sama dalam sebuah institusi, meskipun hubungan politik antara keduanya kerap dipenuhi oleh ketegangan. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori rational institution design yang menjelaskan bahwa negara merancang institusi internasional sesuai dengan hambatan yang dimilikinya. Teori rational institution design menggagas bahwa ketidakpastian sebagai hambatan kerja sama menyebabkan terbentuknya institusi internasional yang fleksibel. Metode process-tracing digunakan untuk meraih penjelasan mengenai mekanisme kausal antara ketidakpastian dan fleksibilitas institusi internasional dalam proses pembentukan ECFA. Temuan pada penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa ECFA dirancang dengan fleksibilitas untuk menghadapi ketidakpastian mengenai politik domestik di Taiwan, secara khusus adalah pergantian kekuasaan di Taiwan yang berdampak pada perkembangan hubungan lintas selat Taiwan. Melalui rangkaian negosiasi, Tiongkok dan Taiwan memilih untuk merancang ECFA dengan fleksibilitas sebagai perjanjian sementara yang tidak memiliki batas waktu penyelesaian serta memasukkan ketentuan pemutusan kontrak ke dalam rancangan ECFA. Rancangan institusi tersebut dipilih oleh Taiwan dan Tiongkok dengan mempertimbangkan perlawanan terhadap ECFA dari partai oposisi Taiwan, karena keduanya tidak dapat memastikan apa yang dilakukan oleh partai oposisi terhadap ECFA apabila partai oposisi berkuasa di Taiwan.

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ABSTRACTThis thesis explains the impact of uncertainty on the flexibility of international institution within the case of trade cooperation between China and Taiwan in Cross-Strait Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA). Cooperation between China and Taiwan is a considerably interesting subject, because they managed to establish a cooperation agreement despite their constrained political relations. I utilized rational institution design theory as an analytical framework in assessing how states design international institution based on the cooperation barriers they face. The theory suggested that uncertainty as cooperation barrier led to the formation of flexible institution. Process-tracing method was applied in this research to acquire explanation of causal mechanisms between uncertainty and the flexibility of ECFA. Findings in this research show that the flexibility possessed by ECFA is a response to uncertainty about Taiwans domestic politics, particularly power shift in Taiwan that gives significant impact on the development of cross-Strait relations. Throughout a series of negotiations, China and Taiwan decided to design ECFA with some degree of flexibility as an interim agreement that does not specify any deadline and ECFA also includes termination clause. The institutional design is chosen because China and Taiwan needs to consider resistance from Taiwanese opposition parties towards ECFA, as they are uncertain about what the opposition will do to ECFA once they are in power. "

"Penelitian ini berusaha menjawab mengapa Pemerintah Taiwan tidak menindaklanjuti Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement ECFA dengan meratifikasi Cross-Strait Service Trades Agreement CSSTA dan melanjutkan perundingan Cross-Strait Goods Trade Agreement CSGTA , padahal data yang ada menunjukkan hasil yang positif. Sebagai penindaklanjutan ECFA, Pemerintah Taiwan dan Cina menandatangani CSSTA pada Juni 2013. Namun pada tahun 2014 CSSTA gagal diratifikasi dan negosiasi CSGTA mengalami stagnansi. Teori yang digunakan untuk menjawab pertanyaan penelitian adalah two-level games oleh Putnam, bertujuan untuk melihat interaksi antara level I tingkat internasional dan level II tingakat domestik . Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Pemerintah Taiwan tidak menindaklanjuti ECFA karena ukuran win-set level II yang kecil dan tidak tumpang tindih. Secara lebih spesifik, Legislative Yuan belum berhasil menyelesaikan pembahasan dan mengesahkan RUU mengenai pengawasan hubungan lintas selat terinstitusionalisasi Cross-Strait Oversight Bill . Akibatnya, ratifikasi perjanjian yang tertunda belum bisa dilakukan dan negosiasi dengan Pemerintah Cina belum bisa dilanjutkan. Selain itu, pasca pemilihan presiden tahun 2016 yang dimenangkan oleh Tsai Ing-wen dari DPP, Pemerintah Cina membekukan jalur komunikasi resmi antara SEF dan ARATS. Hal tersebut dilakukan karena Pemerintah Taiwan tidak bersedia menyatakan pengakuan secara eksplisit terhadap 'konsensus 1992' mengenai prinsip 'satu Cina'. Dampaknya, negosiasi lintas selat terhenti dan Pemerintah Taiwan tidak bisa menindaklanjuti ECFA.

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This research attempts to answer why Taiwanese government did not follow up Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement ECFA by ratifying Cross Strait Service Trade Agreement CSSTA and continuing the negotiation upon Cross Strait Goods Trade Agreement CSGTA , whereas the existing data showed a positive outcome. As a follow up of ECFA, Taiwan and China signed CSSTA in June 2013. However in 2014 CSSTA failed to be ratified and negotiation upon CSGTA stagnated. Two level games theory by Putnam is used to answer the research question, intended to see the interaction between level I international realm and level II domestic realm . This research shows that Taiwan did not follow up ECFA because the size of level II win set was small and not overlapped. To be more specific, Legislative Yuan has not finished the discussion and pass the legislation on Cross Strait Oversight Bill. As the result, ratification of pending agreement still cannot be done and negotiation with Chinese government still cannot be resumed. Moreover, after Tsai Ing wen of DPP win presidential election in 2016, China postponed formal communication channel between SEF and ARATS. It was done due to Taiwan unwillingness to state formal recognition to ldquo 1992 consensus rdquo regarding ldquo one China rdquo principle. As the consequences, cross strait negotiation was put on hold and Taiwan cannot follow up ECFA."

"Setelah terlibat konflik politik selama lebih dari enam dekade, Cina mengambil sebuah kebijakan yang fenomenal dalam hubungannya dengan Taiwan. Pada tanggal 29 Juni 2010 disepakati suatu kerangka kerjasama ekonomi yang ditandatangani oleh Association for Relations Across Taiwan Straits (ARATS) yang mewakili pemerintah Cina dan Strait Exchange Foundation (SEF) yang mewakili pemerintah Taiwan. Penandatanganan Cross Strait Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) ini menandai babak baru dalam hubungan lintas selat. Walaupun perjanjian tersebut bertujuan untuk meningkatkan kerjasama ekonomi yang resiprokal dan setara, dalam isi perjanjian ECFA justru lebih menguntungkan Taiwan daripada Cina. Dalam ECFA disepakati kedua pihak sepakat untuk menurunkan tarif pada produk - produk ekspornya hingga 0%. Cina bersedia menurunkan tarif bagi 539 produk impor dari Taiwan, sementara Taiwan hanya bersedia menurunkan tarif bagi 267 produk impor dari Cina. Jelas terdapat ketidakseimbangan dalam kesepakatan ekonomi tersebut. Menjadi pertanyaan yang menarik, mengapa Cina tetap mau menandatangani perjanjian yang sudah jelas merugikan baginya secara ekonomi Melalui kerangka pemikiran economic statecraft, penelitian ini mengidentifikasi bahwa Cina memiliki memiliki kepentingan di balik penandatanganan ECFA. Adapun kepentingan politik Cina dalam penandatanganan ECFA adalah sebagai tahap awal untuk mencapai reunifikasi secara damai dengan Taiwan dan sebagaim pembuktian upaya peaceful development yang dilakukan Cina di kawasan Asia Timur. Selain itu, Cina juga memiliki kepentingan ekonomi untuk menjaga aliran dana investasi langsung dari Taiwan yang menjadi salah satu penyumbang pertumbuhan ekonomi Cina.

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After six decades full of hostility and political tension, China took an extraordinary action regarding her relation towards Taiwan. On June 29, 2010, an economic cooperation framework agreement was signed between Association for Relations Across Taiwan Straits (ARATS) as a representative of government of China and Strait Exchange Foundation (SEF) as a representative of government of Taiwan. The signing of Cross Strait Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) was marking the new era of cross strait relations. While looking to improve economic cooperation reciprocally and equally, this agreement is more favor Taiwan instead of China. China agreed to reduce tariffs until 0% for 539 Taiwan export goods, while Taiwan only agreed to reduce tariffs for 267 China export goods. It is likely that China will face economic disadvantages because of this agreement. Then, the question is why China wants to sign this agreement although it doesn't give maximum advantages to her economy. Through the analysis from economic statecraft and economic cooperation as conceptual framework, this research pointed out that China has political and economic interest within this agreement. This research identified China's interest on ECFA as initial step to achieve peaceful reunification with Taiwan and as a way for China to prove the peaceful development strategy in East Asia region. Moreover, China also has economic interest towards ECFA which is to make sure Taiwan's FDI still come to China."

"ABSTRACTPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk menguji secara empiris hubungan kepercayaan masyarakat pada pemerintah (trust) dan hubungan kekuatan otoritas pajak (power) terhadap tingkat kepatuhan wajib pajak, mengacu pada slippery slope framework. Penelitian menggunakan skala agregat antar negara-negara yang menjadi anggota OECD pada tahun 2016. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan adanya hubungan positif antara kepercayaan dengan tingkat kepatuhan pajak dan antara kekuatan otoritas pajak dengan tingkat kepatuhan pajak.

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ABSTRACTThis study is aimed to empirically test the correlation of trust and power towards tax compliance within slippery slope framework. Study uses the aggregate scale between countries that are members of the OECD in 2016. The results showed a positive correlation between trust and the level of tax compliance and between the power of the tax authority and the level of tax compliance."

"Kebangkitan yang dialami Cina dalam beberapa dekade terakhir ini ditanggapi secara beragam oleh masyarakat dunia. Sebagian kalangan menganggap bahwa kebangkitan Cina adalah hal yang positif, namun sebagian lagi menganggapnya sebagai satu ancaman. Konsep ‘kuasa lunak’ atau 'soft power' memberikan penekanan kuat atas strategi kebijakan hubungan diplomatik yang dilakukan oleh Cina dengan negara-negara tetangganya dalam merespon kenyataan tersebut. Sejalan dengan konsep soft power yang dipopulerkan oleh Joseph Nye, Cina kemudian menyebarkan kebijakan pembangunan damai dan dunia yang harmonis yang didukung dengan mendirikan Institut Konfusius di berbagai negara di seluruh dunia, termasuk di Indonesia. Institut Konfusius menjadi platform internasional untuk menyebarkan bahasa dan budaya Cina di seluruh dunia dalam rangka meningkatkan pemahaman tentang Cina. Penelitian ini dilatarbelakangi oleh usaha pencarian atas ‘kebenaran’ apakah Perkembangan Institut Konfusius di Indonesia merupakan sebuah bentuk pemanfaatan dari konsep kuasa lunak yang diterapkan oleh Cina terhadap Indonesia yang berlangsung dari tahun 2010 – 2019. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan historis yaitu mengkaji Institut Konfusius secara kronologis.

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The rise of China in the last few decades has been responded to in various ways by the world community. Some people think that China's rise is a positive thing, but some see it as a threat. The concept of 'soft power' places a strong emphasis on the diplomatic relations policy strategy undertaken by China with its neighbouring countries in response to this reality. In line with the soft power concept popularized by Joseph Nye, China then spreads a policy of peaceful development and a harmonious world which is supported by establishing Confucius Institutes in various countries around the world, including in Indonesia. The Confucius Institute is an international platform for spreading Chinese language and culture around the world in order to increase understanding of China. This research is motivated by an effort to find the 'truth' whether the development of the Confucius Institute in Indonesia is a form of instrument of the concept of soft power applied by China to Indonesia which took place from 2010 – 2019. This study uses a qualitative method with a historical approach, namely studying the Confucius Institute in chronological order."

"Thesis ini mencoba untuk menjawab mengapa China menyepakati perluasan kerjasama dengan Taiwan pada 4 November 2008 di Taipei. Dalam tujuan untuk menjawab pertanyaan tersebut, penelitian ini menggunakan konsep uncertainty untuk melihat bagaimana keijasama dapat tercipta akibat turunnya uncertainty antara China dengan Taiwan. Metode penelitian yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah case study dengan melihat pada keijasama yang terjadi antara China dengan Taiwan sepanjang 1987 hingga 2008.Pada uji hipotesis yang dilakukan, penelitian ini membuktikan bahwa penurunan uncertainty antara China dengan Taiwan menyebabkan China menyepakati perluasan kerjasama dengan Taiwan pada 4 November 2008 di Taipei. Temuan-temuan yang didapatkan dari penelitian ini adalah penurunan uncertainty antara China dengan Taiwan terjadi akibat adanya institusi yang sesuai, pertukaran informasi yang simetris dan policy coordination yang tinggi diantara keduanya sehingga kerjasama dapat tercipta dalam interaksi keduanya.

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This thesis is trying to answer why China deals the wider agreement with Taiwan on November 4% 2008 in Taipei. To answer this question, this analysis deploys uncertainty concept to highlight how cooperation is influenced by the degradation of uncertainty between them. Research methodology used in this analysis is case study. This methodology is used to highlight the cooperation between China and Taiwan from 1987 until 2008.

Hypothesis examination is done to prove that the degradation of uncertainty between China and Taiwan causes China dealing its wider cooperation with Taiwan on November 4th, 2008 in Taipei. Hypothesis examination is supported by data, which describe how the degradation of uncertainty happens because the existence of appropriate institution, symmetric information exchange, and high policy coordination in order to create cooperation between them."

"Relations between Taiwan and the People's Republic of China have oscillated between outright hostility and wary detente ever since the Archipelago seceded from the Communist mainland over six decades ago. While the mainland has long coveted the island, Taiwan has resisted - aided by the United States which continues to play a decisive role in cross-strait relations today. In this comprehensive analysis, noted China specialist Steven Goldstein shows that although relations between Taiwan and its larger neighbor have softened, underlying tensions remain unresolved. These embers of conflict could burst into flames at any point, engulfing the whole region and potentially dragging the United States into a dangerous confrontation with the PRC Guiding readers expertly through the historical background to the complexities of this fragile peace, Goldstein discusses the shifting economic, political and security terrain, and examines the pivotal role played by the United States in providing weapons and diplomatic support to Taiwan whilst managing a complex relationship with an increasingly powerful China. Drawing on a wealth of newly declassified material, this compelling and insightful book is an invaluable guide to one of the world's riskiest, long-running conflicts."

"Why have Taiwan, rich parts of China, and Thailand boomed famously, while the Philippines has long remained stagnant both economically and politically? Do booms abet democracy? Does the rise of middle "classes" promise future liberalization? Why has Philippine democracy brought no boom and barely served the Filipino people? This book, unlike most previous studies, shows that both the roots and results of growth are largely political rather than economic. Specifically, it pays attention to local, not just national, power networks that caused or prevented growth in the four places under consideration. Violence has been common in these polities, along with money. Elections have contributed to socio-political problems that are also obvious in Leninist or junta regimes, because elections are surprisingly easy to buy with corrupt money from government contracts. Liberals should pay more serious theoretical attention to the effects of money on justice, and Western political science should focus more clearly on the ways non-state local power affects elections. By considering the effects on fair justice of local money and power (largely from small- and medium-sized firms that emerge after agrarian reforms), this book asks democrats to face squarely the extent to which electoral procedures fail to help ordinary citizens. Students and scholars of Asia will all need this book - as will students of the West whose methods have become parochial. "