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"Peacebuilding Paradigms focuses on how seven paradigms from the Comparative Politics, International Relations, and Policy Analysis subfields - Realism, Liberalism, Constructivism, Cosmopolitanism, Critical Theories, Locality, and Policy - analyze peacebuilding. The contributors explore the arguments of each paradigm, and then compare and contrast them. This book suggests that a hybrid approach that incorporates useful insights from each of these paradigms best explains how and why peacebuilding projects and policies succeed in some cases, fail in others, and provide lessons learned. Rather than merely using a theoretical approach, the authors use case studies to demonstrate why a focus on just one paradigm alone as an explanatory model is insufficient. This collection directly at how peacebuilding theory affects peacebuilding policies, and provides recommendations for best practices for future peacebuilding missions."

"This article discusses to what extent, of at all, the concerns embodied in the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) Agenda take priority over respect for patriachal local customs and institutions when undertaking Post-Conflict Peace Building (PCPB) missions in fragile states. It argues that the concerns embodied in WPS agenda should take priority over respect for patriachal local customs and institutions to the extent that it addresses three challenges: (1) interntional interventions; (2) the separation of dimension in "silos"; and (3) the women oriented bias. This article looks at three perspectives to answer the challenges. The first is the Feminist Hybridity Perspevtives's arguments that emphasize the collaboration of international capacities and local knowledge in prioritizing the international intervention. The second is the Feminist Political Economy Perspective's arguments that suggest an integrated approach between political security dimension and socio-economic dimension to tackle the challenge of incomprehensive approach due to separation between the two during the PCPB missions. The third is the gender as national interest perspective that provides a basis for the continuation of the discourse on the WPS Agenda by nation-states in order to answer the challenge of the women-orianted bias."

"Perseteruan Palestina-Israel sudah berlangsung demikian lama. Sejak awal konflik, masing-masing pihak, baik Palestina dan Israel, merasa berhak atas wilayah yang dipersengketakan dan berusaha menguasai serta mengembangkan kehidupan nasionalnya secara mutlak tanpa melakukan power sharing. Pihak Israel berusaha bersikeras mempertahankan wilayah yang telah didudukinya dengan alasan: ruang hidup (lebensraum), keamanan (buffer zone), strategis, ikatan emosional, dan masalah sumber daya. Sedangkan pihak Palestina berupaya keras pula untuk memperjuangkan kemerdekaan wilayah yang diduduki Israel dengan alasan sebagai tanah leluhur mereka.Sikap yang keras dari kedua belah pihak ini juga telah menyebabkan berbagai perundingan yang pernah diadakan selama ini berakhir tanpa menghasilkan kesepakatan yang berarti bagi perdamaian kedua belah pihak. Kini Peta Jalan Perdamaian kembali disodorkan yang didukung oleh kelompok Kuartet (AS, PBB, UE, dan Rusia) sebagai sebuah upaya untuk memecahkan kebuntuan masalah konflik Palestina-Israel.Kehadiran Peta Jalan Damai ini diharapkan menjadi obat bagi konflik Palestina-Israel yang telah memakan banyak korban warga sipil yang tidak berdosa akibat kekerasan yang dilakukan oleh kedua belah pihak. Dalam mewujudkan harapan ini, maka Peta Jalan Damai menawarkan beberapa tuntutan kepada kedua belah pihak untuk memberikan kebijakan atau tindakan yang dapat membantu dalam proses perdamaian. Efektivitas Peta Jalan Damai ini akan diuji dan dianalisa dari perspektif Resolusi Konflik dengan harapan dapat menemukan faktor-faktor yang akan menjadi pendukung dan penghambat bagi terlaksananya Peta Jalan Damai ini dalam memberikan solusi bagi konflik Palestina-Israel dengan tanpa meninggalkan pengalaman-pengalaman sejarah perdamaian yang pernah dilakukan sebagai cerminan dan pelajaran bagi upaya pencarian problem solving, walaupun kegagalan demi kegagalan adalah selalu menjadi jawaban atas semua upaya perdamaian yang telah dan pernah dilakukan oleh Palestina dan Israel.

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The war of Palestina-Israel has been happened for a long time. Since the first conflict, both Palestine and Israel claimed that they had the right for the conflict district without doing a power sharing. The Israel tried very hard to depend the land that they had took control for some reasons: for the life, safety, strategic zone, emotional link, and natural resources. Palestine also tried very hard to struggle the - freedom of their district that have been holded by the Israel with the reason that the land was their ancestor land.

The persistent of the both side also caused all the negotiation that were helded by UN, US, Rusia, UE ended without having a good deal for the peace of the both side. Recently, the peace road map have offered again which was supported by US , Rusia, UE, and UN as the problem solving for breaking the conflict of Palestine-Israel. The present of this peace road map was expected by the world to be the problem solving of Palestine and Israel conflict, which had many victims from the civilian because of the both side war.

For getting this goal, the Peace Road Map offered some solutions for the both side to do the wisdom or the action that could help in peace processing. The effectiveness of the Peace Road Map will be exercised and analyzed by the perspective of conflict resolution to find some factors which can support or hamper for the Peace Road Map to give a solution for the conflict Palestine-Israel without leaving the peace history experiences which have been done as a reflection and a lesson for getting a problem solving. Even though, unsuccessful is always be the answer for the peace effort that have been done by Palestine and Israel."