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"Eksistensi penderogasian HAM melalui penyederhanaan partai politik dalam dialektika negara hukum (rechstaat) mulai banyak dikaitkan dengan konsep ketatanegaraan yang demokratis, baik dalam masa demokrasi tidak langsung (undirect democration) atau pada masa demokrasi langsung (direct democration) di Indonesia, realitas ini ditandai dengan munculnya Parlimentary Treshold dalam UU Pemilu dan UU partai politik. Untuk memfokuskan pembahasan diatas, terutama yang berkaitan dengan korelasi HAM dan Partai Politik dalam sistem ketatanegaraan Republik Indonesia. maka perlu dibatasi dengan metode yuridis normatif dengan menelaah kepustakaan dan perundang-undangan yang berhubungan dengan HAM dan Partai politik, serta mempertajam analisa secara komprehensif untuk memberikan solusi terhadap kebuntuan ketatatanegaraan Republik Indonesia saat ini dengan menggunakan Metode preskriptif evaluatif. Berhubungan dengan penegakan HAM melalui penyederhanaan partai politik akan banyak menimbulkan permasalahan ditengah maraknya sistem multi partai. Disatu sisi banyaknya partai politik dalam sistem presidensial akan berimplikasi terhadap efektifitas kinerja parlemen dan Presiden dalam menjalankan tugas dan fungsinya. Disisi lain adanya pembatasan partai politik ditengarai sebagai bentuk pembatasan HAM terhadap setiap indifidu yang justru bertentangan dengan semangat hak asasi untuk terlibat dalam pemerintahan. Tidak cukup hanya berdasarkan atas Konvenan Internasional Pasal 4 yang melegitimasi adanya pemabatasan terhadap hak sipil politik atau bersandarkan kepada Pasal 28 J yang menagtur pembatasan HAM, melainkan dibutuhkan perundang-undangan yang mengatur lebih teknis tentang mekanisme penderogasian terhadap partai politik, baik melalui syarat pembentukan partai dan/atau syarat masuknya partai politik ke parlemen sehingga akan berdampak pada kinerja di parlemen dan efektifitas sistem presidensial yang sudah ada. Konsep penderogasian tersebut, tidak hanya berhenti melalui penderogasian terhadap partai politik melainkan dilanjutkan dengan penyederhanaan fraksi di parlemen sebagai wujud balances system di parlemen. Pembentukan dua fraksi, posisi dan oposisi sangat penting dilakukan untuk efektifitas pemerintahan dalam sistem presidensial dengan sistem multi partai seperti Indonesia ini.

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The Existence of Human Rights derogation through political party simplification in Law State (rechstaat) dialectics has been started to be associated with the democratic constitutional concept, either in indirect democracy era or direct democracy era in Indonesia. This reality is marked by the emergence of Parliamentary Threshold in Election and Political Party Laws.

To make focus the above discussion which is primarily about the correlation between Human Rights and Political party in Indonesian Constitutional System, the limitations are made. The research is limited by means of Juridical Normative Method by reviewing the literature and the laws that are related to Human Rights and Political Party. Moreover, it is also important to sharpen the analysis comprehensively to give the solution towards the impasse of current Indonesian Constitutional System by using Prescriptive Evaluative Method.

Human Rights establishment through the simplification of political party will trigger many problems in the midst of multi-party system. On one side, the amount of political parties in presidential system will have an implication towards the effectiveness of parliamentary performance and president in running their duties and functions. On the other side, the existence of political party limitation is suspected as the form of Human Rights restraint towards each individual which is contradict with the spirit of right to involve in governmental ruling. The 4th article of international covenant which is legitimate the existences of the political civil right limitation or the 8th J article of Human Rights restriction Laws are not enough. In spite of that, the laws which regulate about derogation mechanism more technically toward political party are needed. They are needed either through the requirement of party establishment and/or the requirement of political parties? inclusion into parliament, thus it will have an impact towards their performance in the parliament and the effectiveness of the current presidential system.

That derogation concept is not only stopped through the political parties derogation but also continued with the simplification of factions in the parliament as the form of balanced system in the parliament. The establishment of two factions, position and opposition is very important for government effectiveness in presidential system with multi-party system such as in Indonesia."

"Penelitian tentang "Peranan Partai Politik Era Reformasi Terhadap Integrasi Nasional yang metigambil studi kasus PDT Perjuangan dan PK Sejahtera" ini dilakukan dengan tujuan untuk mendeskripsikan peranan parpol dalam mengintegrasikan aspirasi masyarakat didalam menjaga kohesifitas bangsa Indonesia; Mengkaji peranan PDI Perjuangan dan PK Sejahtera dalam meningkatkan aspek integrasi nasional; Serta mengkaji implikasi reformasi bagi ketahanan nasional dimana PDI Perjuangan dan PK Sejahtera menjadi aktor demokrasi yang diakui secara konstitusional.Penelitian memakai metode kualitatif dengan menggunakan pendekatan permasalahan secara asosiatif kepada PDI Perjuangan dan PK Sejahtera dimana sumber data berasal dart sumber primer dan sumber sekunder. Penelitian dilakukan dengan menggunakan indikator ideologi, pola rekrutmen, pola pengorganisasian, sebaran dukungan, kebijakan dari kedua partai terutama yang terkait dengan integrasi nasional.Adapun teori atau pendapat para ahli yang digunakan untuk melakukan penelitian berkisar seputar teori peranan, partai politik, integrasi nasional, dan ketahanan nasional, sehingga diperoleh kesimpulan sebagai berikut: Fertama, Parpol era reformasi melaksanakan peran integrasi nasional melalui fungsinya sebagai sarana komunikasi, sosialisasi, rekrutmen politik, dan pengatur konflik serta tetap menjadi sarana artikulasi dan mengaggregasi kepentingan. Namun peranan parpol era reformasi terhadap integrasi nasional mengalami pent roan kualiths karena perluasan partisipasi masyarakat tidak berbanding lures dengan kemampuan sumberdaya parpol, termasuk lembaga-lembaga negara lainnya; Kedua, PDI Perjuangan dan PK Sejahtera memiliki peran panting bagi terwujudnya integrasi nasional. PDI Perjuangan sebagai partai terbuka dapat menunjang penguatan aspek integrasi nasional Indonesia sebagai bangsa majemuk. Begitu pula dengan PK Sejahtera, karena ia mengikuti kaidah - kaidah demokrasi didalam memperjuangkan tujuan idiilnya; Ketiga, Euforia politik selama reformasi menjadikan negara pada posisi tidak stabil akibat ledakan partisipasi rakyat yang tidak mampu dikelola oleh institusi politik yang ada. Hal demikian disadari oleh partai - partai politik era reformasi, karma itu ia melalui kadernya di badan legislatif mulai membuat regulasi jurnlah partai melalui pemilu agar bisa menciptakan iklim yang lebih kondusif bagi ketahanan nasional bersendikan demokrasi. Artinya, parpol era reformasi insyaf akan pentingnya sistem multi partai terbatas (proporsional) dalam rangka konsolidasi demokrasi sehingga tercipta kohesi sosial dengan melibatkan partisipasi masyarakat.Terkait dengan temuan penelitian ini, peneliti merekomendasikan agar peranan parpol era reformasi terhadap integrasi nasional bisa lebih optimal, maka setiap parpol perlu segera berbenah did dengan meningkatkan sumber days yang dimiliki sehingga dapat mengelola partisipasi masyarakat dan mampu melembagakan konflik atau kepentingan yang sating bersaing. Oleh sebab itu, parpol juga perlu mengetahui lingkup serta intensitas perbedaan agama dan etnis, kesenjangan antara kelompok tradisional dan kelompok modem, kesenjangan antara perkotaan dan pedesaan, termasuk ideologi - ideologi yang saling bersaing. Karena semua itu hams diagregasi dan diartikulasikan oleh parpol yang eksis dalam pentas politik nasional. Apalagi jumlah parpol selama transisi demokrasi sangat tergantung pada fragmentasi yang terjadi ditengah-tengah masyarakat. Dengan begitu, parpol era reformasi melalui lembaga legislatif dan eksekutif hazes memastikan bahwa ia melaksanakan perannya dalam memperkuat integrasi nasional dimana secara gradual mengurangi emosentrisme yang mengancam integrasi nasional melalui Undang-undang tentang partai politik dan pemilihan umum.

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The research about " The Role Of Political Party Era Reform To National Integration taking case study of PDI Perjuangan and PK Sejahtera conducted with the objective as a mean to describe the role of political party in integrating society aspiration in taking care of Indonesian nation cohesively; Studying the role of PDI Perjuangan and of PK Sejahtera in improving the national integration aspects; And also to study the reform implication to national resilience whereas PDI Perjuangan and of PK Sejahtera become democracy actors confessed constitutionally.

The research uses qualitative method by using approach of analysis description where the source of data came from the primary and the secondary sources. The research conducted by using ideology indicator, pattern of recruitment, organizational pattern, dispersion support, policy of both party - especially which related to national integration.

As for opinion or theory of experts used to conduct research gyrate in around role theory, political party, national integration, and national resilience. So that it obtained the following conclusion: First, political parties in reform era has been doing the role of national integration through communication medium function, socialization, political recruitment, conflict management, and remain consistent in being articulation medium and interest of aggregation. But the quality of the role of political parties in reform era to national integration is declining because the expansion of people participation is not directly proportional with capability and capacity of parties resources, including other state institutions; Second; that both parties have their important roles to form the National integration. PDI Perjuangan as an open party can support reinforcement of national integrity aspects to Indonesia as a plural nation. So does with the PK Sejahtera, because it follows democracy methods in achieving its ideal target; Thirr Political Euphoria during reform will make unstable state on course effect of people participation explosion which unable to be managed by existing political institution. This condition is realized by political parties in reform era; therefore, through their cadre in legislative institution, they begin to make regulation of parties number through the election in order to create more conducive climate of national resilience based on democracy. It means that political parties have realized the importance of definite multi parties (proportional) in order to make democracy consolidation so it can be created social cohesion that involve people participation.

Related to the invention of this research, the researcher recommends that in order to make the role of political parties in reform era to national integration more optimum, each party needs to improve themselves by increasing their resources so they are capable to manage people participation and also able to institute the conflicts or compete interests. Therefore, political parties need also to know the scope and the intensity of ethnic and religion diversity, the gap between traditional and modem group, the gap between city and rusticity, including the compete ideologies, because those all factors must be aggregated and articulated by political parties that exist in national political stage. Moreover, number of political parties within democracy transition is much depend on the fragmentation happened between society. Therefore, political parties in reform era through Legislative and executive institution must ensure that they can implement their role in strengthening national integration and gradually decreasing that menace national integration through political party regulations and general election."

"ABSTRAKPenelitian ini dilatarbelakangi oleh keluarnya Ketua DPW Partai NasDem Malut Mukti Baba dan beberapa pengurus partai. Sehingga NasDem merekrut elit partai lain untuk menjadi anggota partai dan Caleg DPRD Malut Pileg 2014. Sebagai pijakan teoritis, penelitian ini menggunakan dua teori yakni: Pertama, teori partai politik dari Otto Krichheimer dan Kantz S. Richard tentang partai Catch-all. Kedua, teori modal politik dari Kimberly L. Casey, modal sosial dari Pierre Bourdieu, Robert D. Putnam dan Francis Fukuyuma dan teori modal ekonomi dari Pierre Bourdieu.Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif, sedangkan teknik analisa data menggunakan deskriptif analisis. Penelitian menggunakan dua metode pengumpulan data yakni: Pertama, wawancara mendalam terhadap informan yang memahami proses rekrutmen elit partai. Kedua, melalui dokumentasi dengan pengumpulan data dengan cara membaca, mempelajari, menganalisa bahan-bahan yang relevan dengan masalah penelitian, seperti buku, artikel dari internet, naskah, dan arsip yang berhubungan dengan topik penelitian.Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa penyebab Partai NasDem merekrut elit partai lain pada Pileg 2014 di Malut yakni: Pertama, elit yang direkrut merupakan elit populer. Kedua elit partai yang direkrut merupakan elit politik lokal. Ketiga, elit yang direkrut memiliki basis massa. Keempat, elit partai yang direkrut memiliki dukungan modal finansial.Implikasi teoritis menunjukkan bahwa dalam menghadapi kontestasi politik pada Pileg 2014, Partai NasDem merekrut elit partai lain dari latar belakang partai yang memiliki ideologi berbeda-beda dan merekrut elit partai yang memeliki modal politik, modal sosial dan modal ekonomi dengan tujuan untuk meraih dukungan eloktoral yang signifikan pada Pileg 2014 di DPRD Malut.

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ABSTRACT

This research is based on the departure of Malut Mukti Baba, the head of the NasDem Party, and several other party members. As a result of this departure, the Nasdem Party recruited elites from other parties to become its member and to become candidates in the 2014 Legislative Election.

As a theoretical foundation, this research used two theories namely: First, the theory of the political parties Kantz Krichheimer and Otto S. Richard about Catch-all parties. Second, the theory of the political capital of Kimberly L. Casey, the social capital of Pierre Bourdieu, Robert D. Putnam and Francis Fukuyama and the economic capital theory of Pierre Bourdieu.

This research used qualitative methods, while the technique of data analysis using descriptive analysis. The study used two methods of data collection are: First, in-depth interview to the informant who understand the process of recruitment of the party elite. Secondly, through the documentation with data collection by reading and analyzing the materials that are relevant to the research problems, such as books, articles from the internet, and archives related to the research topic.

The principal findings of this research because of the Party elite NasDem recruit another party in 2014 Malut Pileg namely: First, the elite recruits a popular elite. Secondly, the party elite who recruited the local political elite. Third, the elite recruits a mass base. Fourth, the party elite recruits have the support of financial capital.

The theoretical implication shows that in facing the 2014 Legislative Election, NasDem Party recruit elite other parties of background party has and ideology different and recruit the party elite who own a political capital, social capital and economic capital for the purpose of gaining support eloctoral significant in 2014 parliament legislative election of the Malut."

"Penelitian ini meneliti konflik internal di Partai Keadilan Sejahtera tahun 2016 antara anggota DPR RI periode 2014-2019 Fahri Hamzah dengan Pimpinan DPP PKS yaitu Ketua Majelis Syuro Habib Salim Segaf Al-Jufri dan Presiden PKS Mohamad Sohibul Iman. Konflik antara Fahri Hamzah dengan Pimpinan DPP PKS bukanlah konflik yang hanya bersifat Individualistis tetapi juga bersifat Faksional. Konflik ini dipicu akibat pemecatan yang dilakukan Pimpinan DPP PKS kepada Fahri Hamzah karena tidak patuh pada putusan Pimpinan partai dan melanggar AD/ART partai.Fokus penelitian ini adalah pada mengapa faksionalisasi dapat mempengaruhi konflik internal di Partai Keadilan Sejahtera antara Fahri Hamzah dengan pimpinan DPP PKS. Teori utama yang digunakan ialah teori konflik politik Maswadi Rauf dan Marcus Mietzner, serta didukung oleh teori dari ahli lain mengenai faksionalisasi Dennis C. Beller, Frank P. Belloni, dan David Hine. Rauf menyatakan bahwa konflik timbul karena kelangkaan posisi dan sumber-sumber, tetapi Mietzner mengungkapkan bahwa konflik internal partai disebabkan karena partai politik yang tidak terlembaga dengan baik yang ditunjukkan dari gagalnya mekanisme resolusi konflik internal partai. Sedangkan Beller dan Belloni menyatakan bahwa keberadaan faksionalisasi di tubuh partai dapat dipahami sebagai pemicu konflik karena kecenderungan aktor yang bertindak secara kolektif demi mencapai tujuan bersama.Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan tehnik pengumpulan data observasi, wawancara mendalam dan studi dokumen. Hasil penelitian ini memperlihatkan bahwa konflik antara Fahri Hamzah dengan Pimpinan DPP PKS disebabkan oleh faktor internal dan eksternal. Faktor internal disebabkan oleh pencampuran antara nilai-nilai (values) PKS yang sudah dilanggar oleh Fahri Hamzah yang bercampur dengan eksistensi Faksi yang bersaing secara tidak sehat di internal PKS. Sedangkan faktor eksternal disebabkan karena adanya kepentingan politik dari pemerintah akibat kritik keras Fahri Hamzah terhadap pemerintah karena hubungan antara KPK dengan PKS kurang baik setelah LHI ditangkap.Pada penelitian ini  disimpulkan bahwa konflik antara Fahri Hamzah dengan pimpinan partai terjadi akibat dari faksionalisasi yang tidak terlembaga dengan baik sebagai dampak dari kebijakan-kebijakan partai yang tentu saja tidak terorganisir oleh semua kalangan PKS.

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This research discusses about the Prosperous Justice Party internal conflict in 2016 between members of the Republic of Indonesia DPR for the 2014-2019 period namely Fahri Hamzah and the Prosperous Justice Party Leaders of the Syuro Council namely Habib Salim Segaf Al-Jufri and President party Mohamad Sohibul Iman. The conflict between Fahri Hamzah and Prosperous Justice Party Leaders is not a conflict that is only individualistic but also factional. The conflict was triggered by the dismissal carried out by the Prosperous Justice Party Leader to Fahri Hamzah because he did not comply with the party leadership and violated the party's AD/ART (basic rules).

The main focus of this study is why factionalism could influence internal conflict in Prosperous Justice Party between Fahri Hamzah and Prosperous Justice Party Leaders. The main theory used in this study are Rauf's and Mietzner's conflict political theory, and it is supported  by theories from experts such as Dennis C. Beller, Frank P. Belloni, dan David Hine about factionalism. Rauf stated that the conflict occurred because of a vacant position and resources, but Mietzner revealed that the party's internal conflict was caused by political parties that were not well institutionalized as indicated by the failure of the party's internal conflict resolution mechanism. According to Beller and Belloni stated that the existence of factionalism in the party's body can be understood as a trigger for conflict because of the tendency of actors who act collectively to achieve common goals.

This study uses qualitative research methods with techniques for collecting data on observation, in-depth interviews and document studies. The principal findings of this study reveal that the conflict between Fahri Hamzah and Prosperous Justice Party Leaders was caused by internal and external factors. Internal factors are caused by a combination of Prosperous Justice Party values that have been violated by Fahri Hamzah with the existence of Prosperous Justice Party factions that compete unfairly within Prosperous Justice Party. While external factors are caused by the political interests of the government due to Fahri Hamzah's strong criticism of the government because of the relationship between the KPK and PKS is poorly after LHI was arrested.

The conclusion of this study shows that the conflict between Fahri Hamzah and party leaders was a result of factionalism that was not well institutionalized that had been violated as a result of party policies which of course were not organized by all Prosperous Justice Party Leaders circles."