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"Tesis ini membahas tentang rendahnya tingkat keterwakilan perempuan dalam parlemen, penyebabnya, implikasinya, dan upaya pemerintah dalam mengatasinya. Sebagaimana kita ketahui bahwa lebih dari setengah penduduk Indonesia adalah perempuan, namun mereka tidak memiliki wakil yang proporsional di parlemen. Kondisi ini disebabkan oleh hambatan-hambatan struktural maupun kultural yang menghambat akses perempuan terhadap dunia politik. Kesadaran tentang arti penting perempuan di parlemen telah mulai dibangun melalui kebijakan afirmasi dengan sistem kuota. Melalui kebijakan ini diharapkan partisipasi aktif dari perempuan, sehingga akan didapat keterwakilan yang memadai di parlemen. Namun, dinamika ketatanegaraan yang terjadi kerap kali kontradiktif dengan cita-cita keterwakilan proporsional perempuan. Hasilnya, angka minimal 30% yang ingin dicapai melalui kebijakan afirmasi tidak tercapai dan hanya mampu meraih 18%. Meski tidak dapat dipungkiri, bahwa tercapainya keterwakilan yang proporsional tidak hanya bicara aturan semata tetapi juga kesadaran dan keinginan penuh dari kaum perempuan itu sendiri. Untuk itu, kebijakan afirmasi ini harus diaplikasikan dari hulu ke hilir. Mulai dari pendidikan politik bagi kaum perempuan, pembangunan kesadaran partai politik akan arti penting partisipasi perempuan, sampai dengan jaminan hukum terhadapnya.

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This thesis discusses about the low level of women representation in parliament, causes, implications, and government efforts to overcome them. As we know that more than half of Indonesia's population are women, but they do not have a proportional representative in parliament. This condition is caused by structural and cultural barriers that hinder women's access to politics. Awareness about the importance of women in parliament has begun to be built through affirmative policies with quota systems. This policy is expected to increase active participation of women, so it will get adequate representation in parliament. However, the dynamics of state administration shows in contradiction with the ideals of proportional representation of women. The result, at least 30% figure to be achieved through a policy of affirmation is not reached and only able to reach 18%. Although it is undeniable, that the achievement of proportional representation not only talk about rules but also full consciousness and the appetency of women themselves. Therefore, this affirmation policy should be applied from upstream to downstream. Starting from the political education for women, building awareness of political party about the importance of women political participation, until the legal guarantees against it."

"Penelitian ini membahas perkembangan pengaturan tindakan afirmasi untuk meningkatkan keterwakilan perempuan pada DPR RI dan bagaimana pelaksanaan pengaturan tersebut sejak awal tindakan afirmasi diterapkan pada tahun 2004, hingga terakhir kali tindakan afirmasi untuk DPR diterapkan, yaitu pada tahun 2014. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah yuridis normatif dengan pendekatan sejarah hukum. Pembahasan dimulai dengan menganalisis tindakan afirmasi pada Undang-Undang Partai Politik, Undang-Undang Pemilihan Umum Anggota DPR, DPD, dan DPRD, dan Undang-Undang Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, Dewan Perwakilan Daerah, dan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah. Selain itu penelitian ini akan membahas pelaksanaan undang-undang tersebut dengan menganalisis peraturan pelaksanaannya. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa terdapat dua bentuk tindakan afirmasi untuk perempuan masuk ke dalam DPR RI, yaitu melalui kuota partai politik dan kuota pada proses pencalonan legislatif. Setiap periode pengisian jabatan DPR, peraturan mengenai tindakan afirmasi perempuan tersebut selalu berubah. Namun dengan adanya perubahan-perubahan tersebut, belum menghasilkan peningkatan keterwakilan perempuan yang signifikan di DPR RI.

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This research discusses about the development of affirmative action regulations in the increase of women's representation in the House of Representatives (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat/DPR) of Republic of Indonesia and how the implementation of the regulations since the beginning of affirmative action was applied from 2004 until the last time affirmative action for DPR was implemented in 2014. The research method used is normative juridical with a legal history approach. The discussion begins by analyzing the affirmative action on the Acts of Political Parties, the Acts of the Election for Members of DPR, the Regional Representatives Council (Dewan Perwakilan Daerah/DPD) and the Local People’s Representatives Council (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah/DPRD), and the Acts of Representatives Council Institutions. In addition, this research will also discuss about the implementation of the regulations by analyzing the implementative regulations. The results of the research show that there are two forms of affirmative action for women to enter DPR, i.e.: through quotas of political parties and quotas in the process of legislative candidacy. In every period of DPR, the regulations on women's affirmative actions have been continuesly changing. However, with those changes, the regulations have not succeeded to increase women's representation in DPR significantly."

"This book discusses affirmative action or positive discrimination, defined as measures awarding privileges to certain groups that have historically suffered discrimination or have been underrepresented in specific social sectors. The book?s underlying rationale is that one cannot place at the same starting point people who have been treated differently in the past because in this way one merely perpetuates a state of difference and, in turn, social gaps are exaggerated and social cohesion is endangered. Starting out with an introduction on the meaning and typology of affirmative action policies, the book goes on to emphasise the interaction of affirmative action with traditional values of liberal state, such as equality, meritocracy, democracy, justice, liberalism and socialism. It reveals the affirmative action goals from a legal and sociological point of view, examining the remedial, cultural, societal, pedagogical and economy purposes of such action. After applying an institutional narrative of the implementation of affirmative action worldwide, the book explains the jurisprudence on the issue through syntheses and antitheses of structural and material variables, such as the institutional recognition of the policies, the domains of their implementation and their beneficiaries. The book eventually makes an analytical impact assessment following the implementation of affirmative action plans and the judicial response, especially in relation to the conventional human rights doctrine, by establishing a liaison between affirmative action and social and group rights.. The book applies a multi-disciplinary and comparative methodology in order to assess the ethical standing of affirmative action policies, the public interests involved and their effectiveness towards actual equality. In the light of the above analysis, the monograph explains the arguments considering affirmative action as a theology for substantive equality and the arguments treating this policy as anathema for liberalism. A universal discussion currently at its peak."

"Kebijakan afirmatif dan nomor urut merupakan bentuk upaya kesetaraan gender bagi kaum perempuan untuk bisa menjadi anggota legislatif di Indonesia. Rendahnya keterwakilan perempuan di Indonesia tidak sebanding dengan jumlah pemilih perempuan Indonesia yang mencapai 50 persen dari pemilih laki-laki pada tahun 2014. Pada pemilu tahun 2014 jumlah calon anggota DPR RI perempuan yang mendaftar untuk menjadi anggota DPR RI meningkat, namun anggota DPR RI perempuan yang terpilih di tahun 2014 justru menurun dari 18 persen di tahun 2009 menjadi 17,32 persen di tahun 2014. Penurunan keterwakilan perempuan di DPR RI disebabkan oleh berbagai faktor baik dari pelaksana kebijakan afirmatif dan nomor urut maupun dari budaya yang melekat di masyarakat. Kebijakan afirmatif dan nomor urut telah diterapkan secara optimal oleh partai politik peserta pemilu legislatif 2014. Namun kebijakan afirmatif dan nomor urut belum efektif dapat meningkatkan keterwakilan perempuan, hal ini karena kebijakan afirmatif dan nomor urut hanya salah satu upaya dalam meningkatkan keterpilihan perempuan di DPR RI. Oleh karena itu dalam mencapai tujuan kesetaraan antara laki-laki dan perempuan di DPR RI diperlukan sinergi yang lebih optimal dari partai politik dengan bentuk perbaikan sistem rekrutmen dan kaderisasi.

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Affirmative and serial number policy is a form of gender equality for women to become legislative members in Indonesia. The low representation of women in Indonesia is not comparable with the number of female Indonesian voters who reach 50 percent of male voters in 2014. In the 2014 election the number of candidates for DPR RI women who register to become members of the House of Representatives increased, but members of the House of Representatives of women Elected in 2014 actually decreased from 18 percent in 2009 to 17.32 percent in 2014. Decreased representation of women in the House of Representatives is caused by various factors both from executing affirmative policies and serial numbers as well as from culture inherent in the community. Affirmative and sequential number policies have been applied optimally by political parties participating in the 2014 legislative elections. However, affirmative and sequential numbers have not been effective in increasing women 39 s representation, as affirmative and serial numbering is only one of efforts to improve women 39 s election in DPR RI. Therefore, in achieving the objectives of equality between men and women in the House of Representatives is required a more optimal synergy of political parties with a form of improvement of recruitment and regeneration system."

"Indonesian women representation in parliament is indeed a dilemma that has lasted a long time. The number of members elected legislature since the 1995 election until the 2009 election has not even produce a legislative member of the women in large numbers."

"Penelitian ini menganalisis strategi rekrutmen caleg perempuan di Partai Nasional Demokrat dalam upaya memenuhi kebijakan affirmative action 30% keterwakilan perempuan pada Pemilu 2014. Pertanyaan dari penelitian ini adalah strategi Partai Nasional Demokrat merekrut calon legislatif perempuan dalam memenuhiAffirmative Action 30 % keterwakilan perempuan di Pemilu 2014.Penelitian ini beragumen, bahwa strategi Partai NasDem adalah memberikan kemudahan kepada perempuan untuk dapat masuk ke Partai NasDem, memberikan bantuan kepada caleg perempuan, membuat program rekrutmen, dan melakukan rekrutmen secara terbuka melalui media.Untuk menjawab pertanyaan, peneliti menggunakan teori rekrutmen politik yang berasal dari Pippa Norris dan Miriam Budiardjo. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan menggunakan teknik wawancara mendalam sebagai data primer, dan menggunakan data sekunder seperti undang-undang, AD/ART, dan studi literature lainnya. Penelitian ini menemukan 5 strategi Partai NasDem dalam merekrut caleg perempuan, diantaranya; Pertama, Partai NasDem mendirikan organisasi perempuan di bawah naungan Partai NasDem sebagai sumber kader perempuan dalam merekrut calon anggota legislatif perempuan. Kedua, Melakukan rekrutmen terbuka, Ketiga, Memberikan syarat mudah khusus untuk perempuan yang ingin bergabung dengan Partai NasDem.Keempat, Memberikan bantuan kepada caleg perempuan.Kelima, Partai NasDem tidak memungut biaya kepada caleg perempuan yang ingin maju di pemilihan.

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This research analyzes the female candidates recruitment strategy in National Democrat (NasDem) party in order to fulfill the 30% female representation affirmative action policy in the election of 2014. The research question is what is National Democrat party's strategy to recruit female legislative candidates in order to fulfill 30% female representation affirmative action in the election of 2014? I argue that NasDem party's strategy is to accommodate women to join NasDem party, providing help for female candidates, making recruitment programs, and conducting recruitment openly through media. To answer the question, I use political recruitment theory from Pippa Norris and Miriam Budiarjo.

This research uses qualitative strategy with deep interview technique for primary data, and using secondary data consisting of constitutions, party's statute and bylaws (AD/ART), and other literature study. This research found 5 NasDem party's main strategies in recruiting female candidates, which consist of; First of all, NasDem party establishes a female organization under the auspices of NasDem party as the source of female cadre in recruiting female legislative candidates. Second of all, conducting open recruitment. Third of all, requiring easily fulfilled requirements for women who want to join NasDem party. Fourth of all, providing help for female candidates. And fifth of all, NasDem party does not collect any payment from female candidates who want to come forward for the election."

"Pasca reformasi 1998 gerakan mahasiswa di Indonesia leluasa melakukan protes karena dijamin oleh konstitusi. Kemajuan teknologi semakin membuat gerakan mahasiswa tampil lebih kreatif dan melibatkan ragam elemen dengan memanfaatkan media sosial. Pada September 2019 terjadi serangkaian aksi demonstrasi mahasiswa yang berpusat di depan Gedung DPR RI. Bukan hanya masif di lapangan (offline), aksi juga masif terjadi di media sosial (online). Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan metode studi kasus. Adapun instumen penelitian yang digunakan untuk mendapatkan data adalah melalui wawancara dan studi literatur. Mengacu pada teori Bennet dan Segerberg (2013) tentang connective action, penelitian ini menemukan bahwa telah terjadi koneksi pada aksi demonstrasi mahasiswa September 2019 dengan aksi digital dalam bentuk personal action frame. Akun-akun Twitter yang teridentifikasi terlibat dalam percakapan di media sosial mengekspresikan sikap personal mereka melalui ragam bentuk, mulai dari foto, video, maupun poster. Semua akun tersebut membentuk satu kluster bersama melalui tagar dan narasi yang sama, yaitu menolak RKUHP, revisi UU KPK dan RUU lainnya yang dianggap bermasalah. Aksi demonstrasi mahasiswa September 2019 termasuk dalam tipologi organizationally-enabled action karena bukan hanya terjadi masif di lapangan (offline), melainkan terjadi juga secara hybrid di media digital (online). Struktur formal yaitu Aliansi Mahasiswa Indonesia berperan mengoordinasikan aksi di lapangan, sekaligus media sosial telah membuka partisipasi yang luas dari berbagai kalangan untuk terlibat aksi. Namun demikian, masifnya aksi digital yang terjadi bukan merupakan desain dari gerakan mahsiswa, melainkan terjadi secara organik dan natural.

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After the 1998 Reform, the student movement in Indonesia Has more freedom to protest because it is guaranteed by the constitution. The Advances in technology are progressively making student movements appear to be more creative and involve various elements by utilizing social media. In September 2019, there were a series of student demonstrations centered in front of the Indonesian Parliament Building (DPR). The form of demonstrations was not only massively done in the field (offline), but also massively done on social media (online). This research uses a qualitative approach with a case study method. The research instrument used to obtain data is through interviews and literature studies. Referring to the theory of Bennet and Segerberg (2013) about connective action, this research found that there was a connection between the September 2019 student demonstrations with digital actions in the shape of personal action frames. The Twitter accounts that was identified, they were engaged in conversations on social media and expressed their personal attitudes through various forms, for examples were photos, videos, and posters. All of these accounts were created a collective cluster by means of the same hashtag and narrative, namely to reject the Draft Legislation of Criminal Code (RKUHP), revisions to the KPK Law and other Draft legislations those were deemed problematic. The student demonstration in September 2019 is included in the typology of organizationally-enabled action since it did not only occur massively in the field (offline), but also I in a hybrid way in digital media (online). The formal structure, namely the Indonesian Student Alliance (Aliansi Mahasiswa Indonesia), had the role of coordinating actions in the field, as well as social media which led to open widely of participation from various groups to get involved in the action. Nevertheless, the massive digital action that occurred, was not the part in the design of the student movement, but occurred organically and naturally."

"ABSTRACTPenelitian ini menjelaskan pengaruh tingkat dukungan sosial terhadap tingkat well-being mahasiswa migran penerima program Afirmasi Pendidikan ADik Papua dan Daerah 3T terdepan, terluar, dan tertinggal di Universitas Indonesia. Studi-studi sebelumnya memperlihatkan bahwa mahasiswa memiliki permasalahan terkait ketidaksiapan mental, hubungn sosial, dan ekonomi. Studi melihat permasalahan mahasiswa migran sebagai bentuk rendahnya tingkat well-being yang disebabkan oleh rendahnya tingkat dukungan sosial. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kuantitatif dengen teknik pengumpulan data diperoleh melalui survei kepada 34 mahasiswa, wawancara mendalam kepada 6 mahasiswa, studi dokumen, dan observasi. Dalam analisis dukungan sosial, pihak yang dinilai paling memberikan dukungan adalah teman dan orang tua, sedangkan yang kurang memberikan dukungan adalah pemerintah daerah. Sementara itu dalam analisis well-being, skor terendah terdapat pada mental well-being. Uji regresi menunjukkan terdapat tiga model yang memiliki pengaruh signifikan terhadap well-being mahasiswa yaitu dukungan emosional, dukungan jaringan, dan dukungan informasi. Sementara itu, peneliti menduga terdapat varibel lain yang turut mempengaruhi well-being mahasiswa yaitu jaringan kelompok keagamaan mahasiswa berdasarkan wawancara mendalam dan observasi dan religiositas mahasiswa berdasarkan studi litelatur.

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ABSTRACTThis study explains the effect of social support level to migrants students well being receiving Papua Education Affirmative ADIK program and 3T Outside, Outermost and Left behind regions at the University of Indonesia. Previous studies discussed that students have problems related to mental, social, and economic unpreparedness. This study explains the migrant students problems as a form of low levels of well being caused by low levels of social support. This study uses quantitative approaches with data collection techniques obtained through surveys to 34 students, in depth interviews to 6 students, document studies, and observations. In the analysis of social support, the parties who are most likely to provide support are friends and parents, while the local governments give less supports. Meanwhile, in a well being analysis, the lowest score is in the well being mentality. Regression test showed that there are three models that have significant influence on student well being that is emotional support, network support, and information support. Meanwhile, the researcher suspect that there are other variables that influence the well being of students, namely the network of religious groups of students based on in depth interviews and observation and students religiosity based on review study."

"This article concerns establishing a plausible connection between the word jang(an) in colloquial Malay varieties and jang-, a form which negates infinitives, in the diasporic contact variety Sri Lankan Malay. The principal claim is that jang(an) marks irrealis modality in Southeast Asian Malay varieties, in which it is frequently (optionally) deployed in negative subjunctive-like embedded clauses. A related claim, dependent on the first of the two, is that the irrealis interpretation conveyed by jang(an) makes it a semantically plausible bridge from a Malay grammar with clausal symmetry to the grammar of Sri Lankan Malay. In Sri Lankan Malay, embedded clauses are frequently non-finite, with infinitives similarly conveying irrealis meaning. Sri Lankan Malay jang- is in complementary distribution with the affirmative infinitival prefix me-, which is also derived from a marker of irrealis modality (mau) in colloquial Southeast Asian Malay varieties."