Hasil Pencarian  ::  Simpan CSV :: Kembali

"Sejak awal masa Reformasi sampai sekarang kebijakan penataan hubungan kelembagaan di antara Dephan dengan Mabes TNI masih menimbulkan permasalahan yang krusial. Permasalahannya adalah bagaimana menempatkan institusi militer secara obyektif dan proporsional dalam suatu sistem kenegaraan yang demokratis. Demikianlah permasalahan ini menjadi salah satu program utama dalam pelaksanaan kebijakan reformasi sektor pertahanan pada aspek struktural yang dilaksanakan oleh pemerintahan di Indonesia. Oleh karena itu permasalahan yang diteliti dalam penulisan tesis ini adalah bagaimana kebijakan dan upaya reformasi sektor pertahanan aspek struktural yang menyangkut penataan hubungan kelembagaan di antara Dephan (Kemhan) dengan Mabes TNI tersebut telah dilaksanakan selama masa Reformasi ini. Penelitian difokuskan pada kurun waktu yang dilaksanakan sejak awal masa Reformasi tahun 1998 sampai dengan masa pemerintahan Presiden SBY-JK (2004-2009) dan bagaimana alternatif kebijakan penataan selanjutnya ke depan, yang ditinjau dalam perspektif Kebijakan Publik, Demokratisasi, penegakan Supremasi Sipil dalam paradigma hubungan Sipil dan Militer di Indonesia serta dilihat juga dari perspektif Ketahanan Nasional. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan analisa deskriptif analitis. Mengacu kepada kajian teoritis tentang Kebijakan Publik, Demokratisasi, penataan hubungan Sipil-Militer dan penegakan Supremasi Sipil yang kemudian diterapkan di Indonesia, maka dari hasil penelitian dan analisa pembahasan bisa disimpulkan bahwa kebijakan reformasi pertahanan pada aspek struktural yang dilaksanakan melalui upaya penataan hubungan kelembagaan di antara Dephan (sekarang Kemhan) dengan Mabes TNI selama masa Reformasi sampai periode pemerintahan Presiden SBY-JK telah memberikan pemahaman mendasar bagi institusi militer di Indonesia, agar dapat diposisikan secara obyektif dan proporsional sebagai bagian dari suatu sistem kenegaraan yang demokratis. Dengan adanya tuntutan Demokratisasi, penataan hubungan Sipil-Militer dan penegakan Supremasi Sipil yang gencar diwacanakan oleh Civil Society sejak awal masa Reformasi pada kenyataannya oleh pemerintah telah direspon dalam penataan hubungan kelembagaan tersebut melalui proses dan mekanisme politik yang relevan dengan perkembangan sistem hukum dan ketatanegaraan di Indonesia. Sedangkan dalam perspektif Ketahanan Nasional, penataan hubungan kelembagaan ini juga berimplikasi positif terhadap aspek Ideologi, Politik, Ekonomi dan Sosial Budaya bangsa dan negara Indonesia saat ini.

---

Since the beginning of the reform period up to now policies institutional arrangement relationship between Dephan with TNI headquarters still raises a crucial issue. The issues is how to place military institution objectively and proportionately within a democratic state system. So the issue becomes one of the main programs in the implementation of policy reforms on the structural aspects of the defence sector conducted by the Indonesian government. Therefore the main research of this thesis is the problem how policy and efforts of defence sector reform structural aspects related to structuring institutional relationship between the Dephan (Kemhan) with the TNI Headquarters was implemented during this reform period.

Research focused on the problem reforms implemented since the beginning of reform period 1998 to the reign of President SBY-JK (2004-2009). Besides that is how subsequent policy alternative arrangement forward, which is seen in the perspective of democratization, rule of civilian supremacy in civil and military relations paradigm in Indonesia as well as seen also in the perspective of national resilience. This study used qualitative methods with analytical descriptive analysis.

Referring to the theoretical study of Public Policy, The Democratization, The Arrangement of Civil-Military relations and uphold Civilian Supremacy which is then applied in Indonesia, then the results of research and analysis concluded that the discussion of defencce reform policies are implemented through the structural aspects of effort to organize the institutional relationship between the Department of Defence (now Kemhan) with the TNI Headquarters during the period of reform until President SBY-JK government has given fundamental understanding to military institutions in Indonesia. This kind of understanding can be positioned to objectively and proportionately as part of a democratic state system.

The requirements of Democratization, The Arrangement of Civil-Military relations and Civilian Supremacy rule to a vigorous enforcement by civil society discourse since the beginning of reform on the fact the government has responded in structuring the relationship institution through political processes. The mechanisms there are relevant to the legal system and constitutional developments in Indonesia. While the National Relience perspective, the arrangement of these institutional relationships also has a positive impact on aspects of Ideology, Politics, Economics and Social Culture of the nation and the state of Indonesia today."

"Reformasi militer Indonesia telah mengakibatkan perubahan budaya, doktrin, struktural, dan organisasi. Perubahan tersebut belum mencapai sifat yang fundamental terhadap hubungan sipil-militer yang demokratis dimana hal ini sangat bergantung secara bersamaan pada "subordinasi masyarakat sipil untuk nilai-nilai militer” dan “subordinasi kontrol sipil atas militer". Kasus Indonesia dari reformasi militer tampaknya menunjukkan bahwa keberhasilan demokratisasi hubungan sipil-militer tergantung begitu banyak pada setup kelembagaan militer serta pada gigihnya bimbingan dan inisiatif dari institusi sipil. Beradaptasi dari Peter D. Feaver tentang teori "principal-agent", penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa masih ada koherensi yang kurang terpadu dari upaya antara lembaga-lembaga sipil (supra), sehingga dasar reformasi militer di Indonesia di bawah kontrol demokrasi masih bermasalah. Hal ini jelas bahwa, pertama, reformasi militer merupakan bagian yang tidak terpisahkan dari demokratisasi, dan kematangan demokrasi harus membuka jalan bagi reformasi di militer. Kenyataan bahwa militer tetap merupakan bagian yang tidak terpisahkan dari lingkaran supra sehingga hal ini menjadi bermasalah. Kedua, lingkaran sipil/ politik di dalam lingkaran supra tidak dapat membimbing, memberikan saran, dan memberikan orientasi kepada militer dalam kerangka tujuan nasional, termasuk alokasi sumber daya serta penggunaan kekuatan militer, sementara militer tetap menjadi otonom dalam beberapa area seperti doktrin, organisasi, disiplin internal, sifat, serta rencana operasional. Ketiga, lingkaran infra-partai politik, organisasi kemasyarakatan, organisasi non-pemerintah serta akademisi dan media-telah memainkan beberapa peran, meskipun terbatas, dalam menetapkan beberapa perubahan, tetapi mereka tetap tidak mampu menjaga momentum selama proses berlangsung. Keempat, pada tingkat implementasi, Departemen Pertahanan tampaknya memiliki kapasitas yang terbatas untuk melakukan kontrol mereka atas militer terutama di bidang anggaran militer, prioritas strategis, akuisisi senjata, pendidikan, dan doktrin. Supremasi sipil di Indonesia tampaknya telah mengandalkan "subordinasi sukarela" dari militer daripada akses sipil untuk melakukan kontrol yang efektif terhadap militer. Oleh karena itu, kebijakan instruktif dan dasar hukum keduanya diperlukan dan penting untuk menghasilkan subordinasi lengkap militer ke sipil.

---

Indonesia’s military reform may have resulted in noted cultural, structural, doctrinal, and organizational changes. But such change has yet to be felt in the fundamental democratic civil-military relation that relies upon both “the subordination of civil society to military values and the subordination of civilian control of the military”. In the case of Indonesia, the military reform process appears to suggest that the success of democratizing civil-military relations depends as much on the institutional setup of the military as on the persistence, guidance and initiative of the civilian institutions. Adapting Peter D. Feaver’s “principal-agent” theory, this study shows that owing to the lack of coherence and concerted effort among civilian institutions (supra), the nature of military reforms under democratic control in Indonesia remains problematic. Nonetheless, four points are clear. First, military reforms are an inseparable part of democratization, and democratic maturity should open the way for a better reforms in the military. The very fact that the military remains an integral and inseparable part of the supra is problematic. Secondly, the civil/political circle within supra is unable to fully guide, advise and orient the military in the area of national objectives, including the allocation of resources, and the use of military forces so long as the military remains autonomous in such areas as doctrine, organization, internal discipline, traits and operational planning. Thirdly, the infra -- political parties, social organizations, non-governmental organizations as well as academia and the media -- have played some roles, limited nonetheless, in setting the tone of changes, but they remain unable to keep up momentum throughout the process. Fourthly, at the implementation level, the Defense Ministry appears to have limited capacity to exercise its control over the military, especially in the area of the military budget, strategic priorities, weapons acquisition, education and doctrine. Civilian supremacy in Indonesia appears to have relied on “voluntary subordination” of the military rather than on civilian access to exercise effective control over the military. Hence, instructive policy and legal basis are both necessary and essential to yield a complete subordination of the military to the civilian democratic society."

"Tesis ini membahas Hubungan antara Tentara Nasional Indonesia (TNI) dan Polisi Republik Indonesia (Polri) pasca reformasi. Penelitian ini dinilai penting karena belum ada Tesis yang membahas permasalahan ini. Disamping itu penelitian ini bisa memberikan masukan mengenai prospek hubungan TNI dan Polri ke depan dan bisa diketahui juga sebab-sebab konflik antara TNI dan Polri.Tesis ini diklasifikasikan menjadi tiga bagian pembahasan, yaitu tentang hubungan TNI dan Polri sebelum masa reformasi, realisasi pemisahan TNI dan Polri, serta hubungan TNI dan Polri ke depan.Permasalahan yang ingin dibuktikan oleh Tesis ini adalah mengapa harus ada pemisahan TNI dan Polri, bagaimana dampak dari penetapan TAP MPR-RI No. VI dan VII Tahun 2000 yang berisi realisasi pemisahan TNI dan Polri, dan bagaimana prospek hubungan TNI dan Polri ke depan.Dengan menggunakan empat kerangka teori, yaitu profesionalisme militer, keamanan nasional (National Security), konflik TIN dan Polri, dan hubungan sipil militer. Akhirnya Tesis ini berkesimpulan bahwa pemisahan TNI dan Polri harus dilakukan karena kedua institusi itu mempunyai tugas yang berbeda. Realisasi pemisahan TN1 dan Polri berdampak pada intensitas konflik semakin kentara. Kemudian prospek hubungan antara kedua institusi itu ke depan akan diwarnai banyak bentrokan kalau tidak secepatnya ditetapkan suatu konsep keamanan nasional yang jelas.Bentrokan antara TNI dan Polri lebih dipicu oleh dua hal yaitu perebutan lahan dan persaingan korps organisasi. Hubungan antara tentara dan polisi dilapangan secara intensif dalam berbagai arena bisnis gelap dan menjadi backing dalam jaringan judi togel dan narkoba merupakan wahana yang rawan terjadinya konflik antara keduanya.Dalam rangka membangun hubungan yang ideal antara TNI dan Polri penting kiranya supaya kedua institusi itu mulai untuk mereduksi peran mereka dalam berbagai urusan yang di luar tanggungjawabnya. Dengan berdasar pada politik keamanan yang ada maka pengaturan pemisahan atas tugas pertahanan yang di dalamya TNI sebagai komponen utama dan untuk urusan keamanan umum (kamtibmas) dengan Polri sebagai komponen utamanya perlu diperjelas hubungan dan mekanismenya.

---

After Reformation of Relationship between TNI and POLRI in 2000-2004: Problem and ProspectusThis thesis will discusses of relationship after reformation between Polri and TNI. This research is important because there is no thesis discussed with this problem. Beside that is this research can be included between prospect Polri and TNI in the future and can also known conflict between Polri and TNI.

Classification this thesis as three part discussed, that is about relationship before during Poll and TNI reformation, realized of separation in Path and TNI, and relationship between Polri and TNI in the future.

The problem want to be proofed by this thesis is why must be discrimination in Pohl and TNI, how to impact for TAP MPR-RI No. VI and VII in 2000 decision is realize substance of separation Polri and TNI, and how to the prospect relationship between Polri and TALI in the future.

By the purpose four theoretical framework, that is Military Professionalism, National Security, Conflict of Polri and TNI, and relationship between civil and military, and the end this thesis is conclusion that separation in Polri and TNI must be do it because the job in two institution is the different Realize of separation Polri and TNI will indicated more visible to intensity with the conflict. And then prospect of relationship between two institution for the future will many clash if does not clearly concept of constituent in National Security.

In the draft to build up for ideal relationship between Paid and TNI, maybe this important so that two institution will begin to reduction for their job in the other responsibility. By the basic at character in Security political there is separation function in the security of duty in TNT as primary component and for the General Security of duty (Kamtibmas) by the Polri as primary component must be clearly for mechanism and relationship."

"Penelitian ini membahas tentang Proses Kebijakan Pembelian Alutsista Sukhoi pada tahun 2003. Tujuan penelitian ini untuk mengetahui latar belakang yakni kondisi alutsista Indonesia pasca Embargo Amerika Serikat. Tahap-tahap dan proses tarik-menarik kepentingan di Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat (DPR) pada saat itu. Lebih dalam lagi, penelitian ini mengkaji soal anggaran pertahanan, sepesifikasi pesawat sejenis sukhoi, proses-proses persidangan dan konsensus di DPR. Pertanyaan pokok penelitian ini adalah bagaimana kewenangan kementerian perindustrian dan perdagangan dalam proses imbal beli alutsista sukhoi pada tahun 2003? Dan mengapa terjadi tarik-menarik kepentingan (power interplay) panja sukhoi di DPR?. Dengan sub-sub pertanyaan, Bagaimana rancangan anggaran pertahanan pada tahun 1999-2004? Apa saja pesawat yang sejenis dengan sukhoi? Bagaimana mekanisme imbal beli dengan pemerintah Rusia? Mengapa terbentuk panja sukhoi di DPR? Dan bagaimana proses konsensus antara DPR dan Pemerintah?. Teori utama yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah Teori Kebijakan. Dengan teori pendukung yakni teori kontrol sipil dan teori konsensus. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan metode deskriptif analitis untuk menganalisa data-data yang diperoleh. Pengumpulan data diperoleh dari studi pustaka, observasi dan wawancara mendalam 8 informan dengan background: politisi, peneliti, militer, birokrat dan akademisi. Penelitian ini menemukan tentang proses perencanaan pembelian sukhoi yang tidak matang ditengah kondisi pasca krisis, era reformasi mengharuskan sipil (baca; DPR dan Menteri Pertahanan) memiliki otoritas menentukan kebijakan dalam proses pembelian sukhoi tersebut dan proses konsensus dari DPR kemudian direkomendasikan ke pemerintah untuk memperbaiki proses pembelian sesuai mekanisme prosedur yang ada. Temuan penelitian ini adalah keputusan pemerintah dengan mekanisme imbal beli Sukhoi dan komoditi CPO, dimana mekanisme tersebut belum diatur di negara kita. Lebih kepada proses perencanaan yang kurang matang, padahal William Dunn menyebut proses perencanaan bagian dari proses penentuan kebijakan. Implikasi teoritis dalam penelitian ini menguatkan teori Huntington "civilian control objective" bahwaotoritas militer berada dalam otoritas rendah.Pada proses pembelian sukhoi, justru Kementerian Pertahanan yang pada saat itu dijabat oleh sipil yakni (alm) Matori Abdul Jalil tidak dilibatkan dalam proses imbal beli sukhoi tersebut, namun diambil alih oleh Mabes TNI menyalahi prosedur perundang-undangan. Hasil penelitian ini adalah proses konsensus sesuai dengan Teori Konsensus Arend Lijphart, dimana mayoritas anggota Komisi I DPR menyetujui untuk mengembalikan kewenangan kepada Kementerian Pertahanan dalam proses pembelian alutsista, bukan Kementerian Perdagangan yang menyalahi prosedur.

---

This study discusses The Process Alutsista Sukhoi Purchasing Policy in 2003. The purpose of this study to determine the background of the conditions of armaments Indonesia after the U.S. embargo. The stages and processes of conflicts of interest in the House of Representatives ( DPR ) at the time. More deeply, this study examines the matter of the defense budget, specs similar aircraft Sukhoi, court processes and consensus in Parliament. The central question of this research is how the authority of the ministry of industry and trade in the process of purchasing defense equipment returns Sukhoi in 2003? And why the tug of interest (power interplay ) Sukhoi in DPR?. With the sub- sub- questions, How to draft defense budget in 1999-2004? What are the similar to the Sukhoi aircraft? How counter trade mechanism with the Russian government? Why Sukhoi formed in DPR? And how the process of consensus between the Parliament and the Government?.

The main theory used in this study is the theory of policy. By supporting the theory of civilian control theory and the theory of consensus. This study used a qualitative approach with descriptive analytical method to analyze the data obtained. The collection of data obtained from literature, observation and in-depth interviews with eight informants background: politicians, researchers, military, bureaucrats and academics. The study found the planning process is not mature Sukhoi purchases amid post-crisis conditions, requires reform era civilian (read: the House of Representatives and the Secretary of Defense) has the authority to determine the policy of the Sukhoi purchase process and consensus process of the House of Representatives and then recommended to the government to improve the buying process appropriate mechanism ada.

Research Finding procedures of this study is the government's decision to buy Sukhoi and reward mechanisms CPO, where such mechanisms have not been regulated in our country. More to the planning process are less mature, whereas William Dunn calls this process a part of the planning decision-making process. The theoretical implications of this study corroborate the theory of Huntington "objective civilian control" military that authority are in the process of purchasing Sukhoi low. Since authority, the Ministry of Defence which is precisely at that time occupied by the civilian Matori Abdul Jalil is not involved in the purchasing process returns the Sukhoi, but was taken over by the TNI headquarters violated statutory procedures. These results are in accordance with the consensus process Consensus Theory Arend Lijphart, where the majority of members of Commission I of the House agreed to restore the authority of the Ministry of Defence in the process of purchasing defense equipment, not the Ministry of Commerce that violated procedures."

"Hubungan sipil-militer di setiap negara berbeda satu sama lain karena adanya perbedaan latar belakan perkembangan bangsa, bentu negara, ideologi, dan falsafah negara, dan budaya bangsa. Jenis hubungan sipil-militer bervariasi mencerminkan ideologi poitik, orientasi-orientasi, dan struktur organisasi modern. Hubungan sipil-militer di Indonesia sejak 1945-1998 mengalami pasang surut sejalan dengan sikap politik penguasa pemerintah, sikap, dan solidaritas kaum militer pada periode yang bersangkutan.Dwifungsi ABRI merupakan salah satu doktrin dasr bagi ABRI dalam melaksanakan tugasnya khususnya yang berkaitan dengan pelaksanaan hubungan sipil-militer. Doktrin ini secara evolusi mengalami perkembangan sejak awal revolusi 1945. Dwifungsi ABRI memperoleh roh dans emangatnya pada masa gerilya antara Desember 1948 sampai Juli 1949, dimana saat itu TNI bersama PDRI di Bukittinggi mempertahankan keberadaan Republik yang masih muda. Doktrin ini kemudian secara perlahan berkembang dari era Soedirman (1945-1949), era Nasution (1958) sampai dengan era Soeharto (1966-1988).Soeharto sebagai pendiri Orde Baru telah berperan sentral dan memberi warna dan bentuk hubungan sipil-militer yang dilaksanakan dengan doktrin Dwifungsi ABRI karena dia menduduki posisi kunci sudut pandang tersebut dalam studi ini dilakukan kajian untuk mengenali sejauh mana Soeharto (agency) mempengaruhi produk-produk peraturan-peraturan (struktur) tentang kedudukan militer dalam Negara sampai kepada saat dimana terjadi dominasi militer dalam politik di Indonesia selama lebih dari tiga dekade.Kajian ilmu sejarah yang menggunakan metodologi strukturis sebagai sebuah kajian yang mengedepankan bagaimana kuatnya pengaruh human agency yang memberi bentuk pada perubahan struktur yang berupa peraturan-peraturan tentang kedudukan militer dalam Negara RI. kajian ini menjabarkan periodesasi hubungan sipil-militer dalam tiga periode yaitu: (1) 1966-1975, disebut periode pengendalian militer dengan patner (memupuk kekuasaan), (2) 1976-1988, disebut periode pengendaliaan militer dengan patner, dan (3) 1988-1998, disebut periode pengendalian militer tanpa patner. Studi ini penting dilakukan sebagai salah satu upaya untuk memaknai kembali kedudukan militer yang demikian dominan selama lebih dari tiga dekade, pada saat mana Republik ini sedang dalam pencarian bentuk demokrai yang cocok bagi bangsa Indonesia yang berfalsafah pancasila. Hasil kajian ini diharapkan dapat menumbuhkan inspirasi bagi generasi penerus bangsa, agar dapat menundukkan militer pada posisinya yang tepat sesuai jiwa dan semangat UUD 1945 dalam NKRI yang menjunjung tinggi hukum dan nilai-nilai demokrasi.Dengan menggunakan teori sipil-militer Samuel P. Huntington dengan merujuk kepada model The Continuum of Military in Politics dari Claude E. Welch dan konsep kekuasaan dalam mempengaruhi proses perumusan dan implementasi Dwifungsi ABRI, sedemikian jauh, luas dan mendalam sehingga berdampak pada intensitas sifat dan corak hubungan sipil-militer di Indonesia ; kedua, hubungan sipl militer di Indonesia dalam era Soeharto, merupakan salah satu varian Subjective CIvilan Control; ketiga, terdapat tiga perbedaan prinsip pandangan antara Nasution dengan Soeharto mengenai Dwifungsi ABRI yang disebabkan adanya beberapa faktor yang berpengaruh antara lain perbedaan latar belakang budaya, pendidikan, pengalaman, dan cara pandang; keempat, Soeharto sangat dipengaruhi nilai-nilai budaya Jawa dalam pelaksanaan kekuasaan dan penerapan kepemimpinannya; dan kelima, Dwifungsi ABRI digugat karena adanya faktor-faktor dari luar dan dari dalam negeri, khususnya karena implementasinya yang demikian meluas dan mendalam, serta pemanfaatannya oleh Soeharto untuk mempertahankan kekuasaannya.

---

The relationships between civil and military varies in every country because of the difference of the nation's background, the shape ol the country, the ideology and philosophy, and the culture of the nation- The variation of civil-military relationships reflected the political ideology, orientations, and the modern structure of organization, The relationships of civil military in Indonesia since 1945 ~ 1998 went ups and downs in accordance to the political attitude of the ruling government, the attitude and solidity of the military community ln that period.

ABRI double-function is one of the doctrines of ABR! to lullil their duties especially in compliance with civil-military relationships. This doctrine developed evolutionary since the beginning of the 1945 revolution. ABRI double-function was motivated during the 'guerrila?s era", between December 1948 and July 1949, when TNI together with PDRI defended the existence of this new and young Republic, in Bukittinggi, West Sumatera. The doctrine then developed slowly in the era of Soedirman (1945-1949), the era of Nasution (1958), until the era of Soeharto (1966-1998).

Soeharto, as the founder of the New Order. played as the central role in shaping and colouring the civil-military relationships that acted upon the ABRI double-function doctrine, because Soeharto was in the key position as the President of Republic indonesia, as ABRI Commander-in-chief, and as a more than three period Mandatory of MPR Rl. From this point of view. this study is trying to analyze Soehands deeply influence in the products of regulations about the military position in the country until the military domination in politics in Indonesia for more than three decades.

The study of the history using structurist methodology was a study that brought up the strong influence of human agency that gave shape to the change of structure of regulations about the position of military in the Republic of Indonesia. This study explained the periodicity about the relationship between civil-military : (1) 1966-1975, as the period of military with partner { to strengthen power), (2) 1976-1988, still as the period of military with partner, (3) 1988-1998, as the period of military without partner. This important study has done as an effort to signify the military position that had been so dominant for more than three decades, while this Republic was looking for the come out best democratic system for the nation, as it has Pancasila as its philosophy. We hope this analysis will develop an inspiration to the young generation to put military in accurate position in accordance to the morale of UUD 1945 in NKRI that uphold law and democratic values.

With applying the theory of civil-military relationships of Samuel P. Huntington, and with references of The Continuum of Military Involvement in Politics model of Claude E.Wetch, the concept of power in Javanese tradition, and the concept of ABRI double- function, this analysis will uncover that : first, Soeharto was proved of having deep influence in the conception and in implementing the ABRI double-function, that influenced also the character and the pattern of civil-military relationships in Indonesia; second, civil-military retationships in Indonesia in the era of Soeharto, was a variant of Subjective Civilian Control; third, there were three principal different views between Nasution and Soeharto about ABRI double-function, because of some factor of influences e.g. different background of culture, educations, experiences, and mind set; forth, Soeharto was deeply influenced by Javanese cultural values in implementing his power and leadership; fifth, ABRI double-function was claimed because of internal and external factors, especially the wide and deep implementation to stand up for Soeharto's power."

"National security, military and civil relations, and business activities of the Indonesian Armed Forces; collection of articles."

"This paper discusses the mechanism of civil-military cooperation in humanitarian assistance in Indonesia with the influence factors of the process. Research is done by using qualitative method to describe the process and force field analysis as the tool. It describes the process of civil-military cooperation from planning, preparation, implementation and evaluation. It suggests to make regulation regarding TNI's task in MOOTW, regulation of civil-military cooperation, allocation of TNI's budget and the guidelines of response."

"ABSTRAKAljazair adalah salah satu negara di kawasan Timur Tengah dan Afrika Utara yang memiliki sejarah panjang dominasi militer dalam politik dan pemerintahan. Dominasi militer dalam pemerintahan yang telah berlangsung sejak lama tersebut sebenarnya telah diupayakan untuk dikurangi, namun baru mencapai puncaknya pada masa pemerintahan Presiden Abdelaziz Bouteflika periode ketiga dengan kebijakan reformasi dan demokrasi di pemerintahan Aljazair. Hanya saja, dibalik upaya tersebut, dominasi militer dalam politik Aljazair masih ada dengan peran aktif Dinas Intelijen Militer atau DRS Department Du Renseigment et De La Securite dalam menentukan arah kebijakan politik sekalipun secara konstitusional partisipasi militer dalam politik dilarang. Dengan demikian, tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui hubungan sipil-militer di Aljazair pada tahun 2009-2014 mengingat revolusi Arab Spring berlangsung pada periode ini. Adapun metode penelitian yang digunakan oleh penulis dalam penelitian ini adalah metode kualitiatif dengan pendekatan studi pustaka. Metode tersebut dilaksanakan dengan melakukan telaah literatur, dokumen dan teori yang berkaitan dengan hubungan sipil-militer di Aljazair pada periode tersebut. Adapun yang dapat disimpulkan dari penelitian ini adalah hubungan sipil-militer di Aljazair yang mengarah kepada kontrol sipil secara penuh dengan pengurangan peran militer dalam politik dan penyerahan tanggungjawab penuh pertahanan negara terhadap militer. Peran Dinas Intelijen Militer juga perlahan mulai dikurangi semenjak tragedi ladang gas Amenas pada tahun 2013. Meskipun demikian, militer Aljazair masih digunakan oleh pemerintahan Presiden Abdelaziz Bouteflika sebagai alat kekuasaan.

---

ABSTRACTAlgeria is one among Middle East and North Africa states that has long history of military domination on its political and governmental affairs. There are a number of effort to reduce military domination on Algeria rsquo s political and governmental affairs that had been occurred since a long time ago, though it has just reached its peak during President Abdelaziz Bouteflika rsquo s third period with the policy of reformation and democratisation on governmental fields. Nevertheless, the domination of military in the Algerian political affairs are still remains with the active role of Military Intelligence Service or DRS Department Du Renseigment et De La Securite especially on state rsquo s policy direction making process though the military role in politics is prohibited constitutionally. Thus, the purpose of this research are intended to understand the civil military relations in Algeria during President Bouteflika rsquo s third periode from 2009 2014 because The Arab Spring Revolution occurred at that period. Method that used on this research is qualitative research with literature study approach. This research are conducted by reviewing and studying some literatures, documents, and theories related to civil military relations in Algeria at that period. According to this research, it may concluded that civil military relations in Algeria during President Bouteflika rsquo s third period are directing towards lsquo full civilian rsquo control with reducing military role in politics and handing over the security and defense affairs to the military. The role of the Military Intelligence Service DRS are reduced slowly after The Amenas Hostage Crisis in 2013. Despite of these situations, the military are still used by President Abdelaziz Bouteflika rsquo s administration as the tool to securing its power."

"[Skripsi ini menganalisis hubungan sipil - militer terkait peran militer dalam proses rekonstruksi dan rekonsiliasi di Provinsi Utara Sri Lanka pasca konflik antara pemerintah Sri Lanka dan LTTE. Untuk menjelaskan hal tersebut, skripsi ini menggunakan teori hubungan sipil - militer berdasarkan sintesa pemikiran Alfred Stepan, Samuel E. Finer, Michael C. Desch, dan Louis W. Goodman. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dan menerapkan teknik studi literatur. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan adanya hubungan sipil - militer dengan akomodasi sipil yang tidak seimbang di Provinsi Utara Sri Lanka dan merugikan masyarakat Tamil di Provinsi Utara.;This thesis analysis civil - military relations related to the role of military in the reconstruction and reconciliation process in Northern Province of Sri Lanka after a period of conflict between the central government and the LTTE. In order to provide a solid framework of analysis, thesis synthesizes basic conceptual arguments derived from the works of Alfred Stepan, Samuel E. Finer, Michael C. Desch, and Louis W. Goodman. This is a qualitative research which applies an literature study. The research shows that the Sri Lankan military involvement in the post-conflict reconstruction and reconciliation process has caused an unbalanced civil - military relations in the Sri Lanka?s Northern Province and threaten the Tamil community in the region.;This thesis analysis civil - military relations related to the role of military in the reconstruction and reconciliation process in Northern Province of Sri Lanka after a period of conflict between the central government and the LTTE. In order to provide a solid framework of analysis, thesis synthesizes basic conceptual arguments derived from the works of Alfred Stepan, Samuel E. Finer, Michael C. Desch, and Louis W. Goodman. This is a qualitative research which applies an literature study. The research shows that the Sri Lankan military involvement in the post-conflict reconstruction and reconciliation process has caused an unbalanced civil - military relations in the Sri Lanka?s Northern Province and threaten the Tamil community in the region.;;This thesis analysis civil - military relations related to the role of military in the reconstruction and reconciliation process in Northern Province of Sri Lanka after a period of conflict between the central government and the LTTE. In order to provide a solid framework of analysis, thesis synthesizes basic conceptual arguments derived from the works of Alfred Stepan, Samuel E. Finer, Michael C. Desch, and Louis W. Goodman. This is a qualitative research which applies an literature study. The research shows that the Sri Lankan military involvement in the post-conflict reconstruction and reconciliation process has caused an unbalanced civil - military relations in the Sri Lanka?s Northern Province and threaten the Tamil community in the region.;This thesis analysis civil - military relations related to the role of military in the reconstruction and reconciliation process in Northern Province of Sri Lanka after a period of conflict between the central government and the LTTE. In order to provide a solid framework of analysis, thesis synthesizes basic conceptual arguments derived from the works of Alfred Stepan, Samuel E. Finer, Michael C. Desch, and Louis W. Goodman. This is a qualitative research which applies an literature study. The research shows that the Sri Lankan military involvement in the post-conflict reconstruction and reconciliation process has caused an unbalanced civil - military relations in the Sri Lanka?s Northern Province and threaten the Tamil community in the region., This thesis analysis civil - military relations related to the role of military in the reconstruction and reconciliation process in Northern Province of Sri Lanka after a period of conflict between the central government and the LTTE. In order to provide a solid framework of analysis, thesis synthesizes basic conceptual arguments derived from the works of Alfred Stepan, Samuel E. Finer, Michael C. Desch, and Louis W. Goodman. This is a qualitative research which applies an literature study. The research shows that the Sri Lankan military involvement in the post-conflict reconstruction and reconciliation process has caused an unbalanced civil - military relations in the Sri Lanka’s Northern Province and threaten the Tamil community in the region.]"