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"This detailed account tells the background story of a privatised monopoly whose sharp practices embroiled a national government in scandal and shocked a nation that prides itself on the strength of its institutions. AWB Limited, the former Australian Wheat Board that in the 1990s was sold into the private sector, paid more than $US200m in kickbacks to the pariah regime of Saddam Hussein in Iraq, exploiting the provisions of the United Nations? Oil for Food program by inflating the price of the wheat it sent there to disguise the pay-offs that secured the contracts. The ensuing uproar threatened the careers of key cabinet ministers in the Howard government and contributed to the rise and subsequent election victory of the Australian Labor Party?s Kevin Rudd."

"Skripsi ini membahas mengenai strategi Australian Labor Party (ALP) mendorong peningkatan representasi perempuan di parlemen Australia tahun 2016 melalui kuota gender sebagai “fast track” dan didukung oleh NLWN bersama EMILY’s List sebagai “incremental track” yang diterapkan oleh ALP untuk yang memperjuangkan keterwakilan perempuan ALP di Parlemen Australia. Ketimpangan gender dalam politik di Australia mendorong pemerintah Australia mengesahkan kebijakan tindakan afirmatif untuk kelompok minoritas termasuk di dalamnya perempuan. Di sisi lain, keterwakilan perempuan di parlemen diserahkan kepada partai politik. Namun, partai politik sering kali tidak cukup mampu untuk menerapkan kebijakan kuota gender 30 persen secara murni tanpa adanya agenda politik di dalamnya. Berangkat dari hal tersebut, ALP hadir sebagai salah satu partai politik terbesar di Australia berperan aktif dalam mengimplementasikan tindakan afirmatif melalui kuota gender dan NLWN. Untuk memahami topik ini, penulis menggunakan teori Perempuan, Kuota, dan Politik yang dipopulerkan oleh Drude Dahlerup dalam memahami aspek yang dapat diwujudkan partai politik untuk mendorong keterwakilan perempuan di Australia. Skripsi ini menemukan ALP menggunakan dua model untuk mendorong keterwakilan perempuan di parlemen, yakni model fast track dalam bentuk kuota gender dan model incremental track dalam bentuk pelatihan, mentoring, dan bantuan keuangan yang dilakukan oleh NLWN dan EMILY’s List.

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This thesis discusses the efforts of the Australian Labor Party (ALP) to encourage increased representation of women in the Australian Parliament in 2016 through a gender quota as a “fast track” and supported by NLWN together with EMILY's List as an “incremental track” implemented by ALP for those who fight for ALP women's representation in the Australian Parliament. Gender inequality in politics in Australia prompted the Australian government to adopt an affirmative action policy for minority groups including women. Meanwhile, specifically, the affairs of women's representation in parliament are left to political parties. However, political parties are often not capable enough to implement a 30 percent gender quota policy purely without a political agenda in it. Departing from this, ALP is present as one of the largest political parties in Australia, plays an active role in implementing affirmative action through gender quotas and NLWN. To understand this topic, the author also uses the Women, Quota, and Politics theory popularized by Drude Dahlerup in understanding aspects that can be realized by political parties to encourage women's representation in Australia. This thesis found that ALP uses two models to encourage women’s representations in parliament, namely the fast track model in the form of a gender quota and the incremental track form of training, mentoring, and financial assistance conducted by NLWN and EMILY’s List."

"ABSTRACTIn recent years, Western scholars who study the experience of the transition of young democratic countries have found that the traditional clientelism has not disappeared during the process of democratization, but rather it has changed form or even consolidated in some young democratic countries. The independence of the bureaucracies, the way political parties and the state system integrating special interests, and the party election strategy or competition among parties all may affect the articulation of the special interest within clientelism. This article examines the incumbent experience of several heads of the DPP in more than 20-year reign of the Tainan city (county) through the public resources to draw on supporters and attract voters, and then to infer the development patterns and potential problems of Taiwan's grassroots democratic transition. Roughly speaking, Tainan city (county) has different DPP heads in reign for more than 20 years, and they had gradually developed more delicate clientelistic linkages with supporters and grassroots voters, from Tainan County magistrate Chen Tangshan starting to coopt Kuomintang traditional factions through the ruling resources and then building clientelist relationship, later on different heads of counties and cities absorbing political support through the ruling resources, but also through a number of clientelist policies to stabilize the linkage with the voters, so that the DPP electorate in Tainan city (county) is becoming more and more stable. This paper examines the experiences of Taiwan's local clientelist transformation through a case study, and makes some generalizations about the possible problems occurred within the process."