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""Artemis Fowl is facing his deadliest enemy yet. Himself. Artemis is no stranger to trouble. In fact, he is a magnet for it. Man-eating trolls, armed and dangerous (not to mention high-tech) fairies, and flame-throwing goblins - he's seen the lot. He had decided to forego criminal activity of the more magical kind. Now his mother is gravely ill. Artemis Fowl must travel back through time to steal the cure from the cultures of the young criminal mastermind... Artemis Fowl. That's right. With fairy ally Captain Holly Short by side, Artemis is going back in time to do battle with himself in Eoin Colfer's latest book Artemis Foul and the Time Paradox."-- Back cover.Teenage criminal mastermind Artemis Fowl has a new mission - and this time, it's personal. Artemis's mother is dangerously ill, and the only way to find a cure is for Artemis - with Holly Short by his side - to go back in time to battle his younger, more evil self..Artemis's mother has contracted a deadly disease -- and the only cure lies in the brain fluid of African lemurs. Unfortunately, Artemis himself was responsible for making the lemurs extinct five years ago. Now he must enlist the aid of his fairy friends to travel back in time and save them. Not only that, but he must face his deadliest foe yet...his younger self."

"[ABSTRAKStudi ini meneliti posisi Suzanne Collins, penulis novel Mockingjay, terhadap Liberalisme dan Komunisme dengan menggunakan pendekatan tematik. Beberapa bukti dalam novel menunjukkan bahwa penulis tampaknya tidak menyukai komunisme maupun liberalisme. Namun, setelah diteliti terdapat bukti yang menunjukkan bahwa penulis lebih menyukai komunisme. Untuk alasan tersebut, studi ini akan membuktikan tiga hal utama, yang dipisahkan menjadi tiga subbagian. Pertama, studi ini akan membuktikan bahwa Capitol dan District 13 memegang ideologi Liberal dan Komunis dengan melihat setting dan dialog antar karakter. Subbagian selanjutnya akan menunjukkan bagaimana liberalisme dan komunisme runtuh di akhir cerita. Terakhir, studi ini akan membuktikan bahwa penulis novel lebih memenangkan komunisme dibanding liberalisme.

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ABSTRACTThis paper examines Suzanne Collins', Mockingjay?s author, position towards by using thematic approach. Throughout the process of reading the novel and writing this paper, some evidence in the novel shows that neither communism nor liberalism seem to be favored by the novel. On the other hand, some evidence also shows that the author still favors communism. For that reason, this paper will prove three main things, which is separated into three subsections. First, it will prove that Capitol and District 13 hold Liberalism and Communism by seeing the setting and dialogues between characters. Then it will show how liberalism and communism collapsed in the end of the story. The last, this paper will prove that the author still champions communism over liberalism.;This paper examines Suzanne Collins', Mockingjay?s author, position towards liberalism and communism by using thematic approach. Throughout the process of reading the novel and writing this paper, some evidence in the novel shows that neither communism nor liberalism seem to be favored by the novel. On the other hand, some evidence also shows that the author still favors communism. For that reason, this paper will prove three main things, which is separated into three subsections. First, it will prove that Capitol and District 13 hold Liberalism and Communism by seeing the setting and dialogues between characters. Then it will show how liberalism and communism collapsed in the end of the story. The last, this paper will prove that the author still champions communism over liberalism., This paper examines Suzanne Collins', Mockingjay’s author, position towards liberalism and communism by using thematic approach. Throughout the process of reading the novel and writing this paper, some evidence in the novel shows that neither communism nor liberalism seem to be favored by the novel. On the other hand, some evidence also shows that the author still favors communism. For that reason, this paper will prove three main things, which is separated into three subsections. First, it will prove that Capitol and District 13 hold Liberalism and Communism by seeing the setting and dialogues between characters. Then it will show how liberalism and communism collapsed in the end of the story. The last, this paper will prove that the author still champions communism over liberalism.]"

"Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Republik Indonesia (DPR RI) gagal mengesahkan Rancangan Undang Undang Penghapusan Kekerasan Seksual (RUU PKS) pada 2019, yang merupakan RUU usulan DPR pada 2016 dalam RUU Program Legislasi Nasional (Prolegnas) Prioritas 2014-2019. Pembahasan RUU ini cukup lama sejak dirumuskan pada 2014, dan hingga 2019 pembahasan hanya sampai pada tingkat pertama karena menuai pro-kontra di masyarakat. Studi ini fokus menganalisis kegagalan DPR dalam mengesahkan RUU PKS ini dengan menggunaka metode kualitatif berupa wawancara mendalam dan kajian literatur. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa kekerasan seksual terhadap perempuan pada dasarnya merupakan isu krusial yang memerlukan solusi melalui sebuah regulasi. RUU PKS dianggap dapat melindungi hak-hak perempuan dari kekerasan. Tetapi pada sisi lainnya, RUU PKS dinilai bertentangan dengan moral maupun ajaran agama bahkan sampai dianggap melegalkan seks bebas ataupun LGBT (Lesbian, Gay, Biseksual dan Transgender). Masih melekatnya budaya patriarki, kurangnya komitmen maupun pemahaman representasi politik para anggota legislatif dalam membela hak-hak perempuan, juga masih adanya seksisme institusional di lembaga legislatif Indonesia, menjadi temuan dari penelitian terkait penyebab gagalnya pengesahan RUU PKS pada tahun 2019.

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The People's Representative Council of the Republic of Indonesia (DPR RI) failed to pass the Bill on the Elimination of Sexual Violence (RUU PKS) in 2019, which was the draft proposed by the DPR in 2016 in the 2014-2019 Priority National Legislation Program (Prolegnas) Bill. The discussion of this bill has taken a long time since it was formulated in 2014, and until 2019 discussions only reached the first level because of the pros and cons in society. This study focuses on analyzing the failure of the DPR in passing the PKS Bill by using qualitative methods in the form of in-depth interviews and literature review. The results showed that sexual violence against women is basically a crucial issue that requires a solution through a regulation. The PKS Bill is considered to be able to protect women's rights from violence. But on the other hand, the PKS Bill is considered to be contrary to moral and religious teachings and is even considered legalizing free sex or LGBT (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender). The inherent patriarchal culture, lack of commitment and understanding of the political representation of legislators in defending women's rights, as well as institutional sexism in the Indonesian legislature, are findings from research related to the failure to ratify the PKS Bill in 2019."

"Skripsi ini mencoba membahas bagaimana memahami kontestasi wacana yang muncul dalam memahami substansi draft RUU Penghapusan Kekerasan Seksual melalui pendekatan pluralisme agonistik Chantal Mouffe dengan menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif. Pendekatan pluralisme agonistik menjadi pendekatan alternatif dalam memahami keberlangsungan demokrasi di tengah kondisi pluralitas masyarakat. Konsep ini merupakan alternatif dari pendekatan demokrasi liberal yang memusatkan demokrasi pada tujuan untuk mencapai konsensus yang rasional. Mouffe melalui konsep pluralisme agonistiknya mengkritik bahwa orientasi demokrasi liberal pada proses pencapaian konsensus yang rasional telah mengeliminasi “the Political” sehingga berpotensi menghambat terciptanya pluralisme publik dalam kehidupan demokrasi itu sendiri. Adapun kontestasi wacana antara pihak yang mendukung dan menolak pengesahan RUU P-KS menjadi relevan untuk dipahami menggunakan pendekatan pluralisme agonistik karena kontestasi yang terjadi melibatkan wacana dengan pendekatan yang masih belum bisa menemukan titik kesepakatan. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan pluralisme agonistik, kontestasi wacana dalam memahami RUU P-KS merupakan refleksi dari hidupnya proses demokrasi. Berlangsungnya kontestasi wacana ini merupakan wujud ‘konsensus konfliktual’ (conflictual consensus) di mana artinya adalah merayakan keberagaman melalui pluralisme yang sarat konflik.

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his thesis discusses about how to understand discourse between supporters and opponents of the Sexual Violence Eradication Bill using the concept of agonistic pluralism by Chantal Mouffe through qualitative research methods. Agonistic pluralism is an alternative approach to understand the process of democracy in divided society like Indonesia. Through this concept, Mouffe criticizes about democracy concept in liberal paradigm that tends to eliminate “the Political” because of its orientation to achieve rational consensus. The orientation of liberal paradigm democracy in a rational consensus process can hinder the creation of public pluralism in democratic it self. Discourse between supporters and opponents of RUU P-KS is relevant to be understood in agonistic pluralism concept because this discourse involves irreconcilable thoughts. By using an agonistic pluralism concept, the discourse in understanding the Sexual Violence Eradication Bill is a reflection of the existence of democracy. The ongoing discourse is a form of “conflictual consensus”, which means celebrating diversity through pluralism which is full of conflicts."

"Kekerasan seksual selama ini banyak dipahami dalam definisi subjektif. Maknanya bergantung pada pengetahuan dan batasan subjek penahu. Untuk memecahkan masalah ini, Superson mewakili model feminis analitik, mencoba merumuskan suatu kerangka definisi objektif yang melepaskan kondisi-kondisi: 1) subjek A tidak mengetahui apa itu kekerasan seksual, 2) subjek A tidak mendefinisikan bahwa tindakan B terhadapnya adalah kekerasan seksual, 3) subjek A mengetahui bahwa B melakukan kekerasan seksual terhadapnya namun enggan untuk mengartikulasikan. Studi ini merupakan bentuk dukungan terhadap gagasan objektivitas di dalam kekerasan seksual sekaligus koreksi dengan mempertimbangkan diskusi yang berkembang di dalam teori feminisme. Secara khusus, proses pertimbangan dan kritik yang saya lakukan menggunakan kerangka realisme konstruksi sosial Sally Haslanger. Sehingga, rekonseptualisasi atas definisi objektif saya formulasikan melalui kekuatan konstruksi sosial konstitutif. Amatan ini juga ditujukan pada implikasi argumen objektivitas di dalam kebijakan kekerasan seksual di Indonesia yang saya khususkan yakni UU TPKS (Undang-Undang Tindak Pidana Kekerasan Seksual No 12 Tahun 2022). Permasalahan tersebut saya urai dalam dua rumusan pertanyaan: 1) Bagaimana argumen objektivitas di dalam kekerasan seksual: 1.a) Bagaimana problem pendefinisian kekerasan seksual? 1.b) Bagaimana pemeriksaan argumen objektif dan sumbangsihnya dalam perdebatan teori feminisme mengenai kekerasan seksual?, 2) Apa implikasi teoretik argumen objektivitas bagi kebijakan kekerasan seksual? Kesimpulannya, argumen objektivitas memberikan sumbangan bagi perdebatan teori feminisme, yakni melalui pemeriksaan realisme konstruksi sosial kausal dan konstitutif. Dua model ini mampu menunjukkan mana argumen lemah dan kuat dalam tiga perspektif feminisme mengenai kekerasan seksual (natural-biologi, sosiokultural, dan liberal). Pembedaan tersebut setidaknya berguna dalam melihat keluasan tindakan kekerasan seksual di dalam UU TPKS. Kendati demikian, keluasan permasalahan yang ada dalam UU TPKS tidak sepenuhnya mampu ditangkap oleh model ini. Oleh karenanya, saya memberikan catatan tambahan yang menyangkut dimensi korban kekerasan seksual dan tindakan yang belum diakomodir di dalam UU TPKS.

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Sexual violence has been widely understood in terms of subjective definitions. Its meaning depends on the knowledge and limitations of the knowing subject. To solve this problem, Superson represents the analytic feminist model, trying to formulate an objective definitional framework that releases the conditions: 1) subject A does not know what sexual violence is, 2) subject A does not define that B's actions against him are sexual violence, 3) subject A knew that B had sexually assaulted her but was reluctant to articulate it. This study is a form of support for the idea of objectivity in sexual violence as well as a correction by considering the discussions that developed in feminism theory. In particular, the process of consideration and criticism that I carried out used the framework of Sally Haslanger's social construction realism. Thus, I have formulated a reconceptualization of the objective definition through the power of constitutive social construction. This observation is also aimed at the implications of objectivity arguments in the policy of sexual violence in Indonesia, which I specifically focus on, namely the UU TPKS (Law on the Crime of Sexual Violence No. 12, 2022). I will describe the problem in two questions: 1) What is the argument for objectivity in sexual violence: 1.a) How is the problem of defining sexual violence? 1.b) How is the objective argument examined and its contribution to the feminist theory debate on sexual violence? 2) What are the theoretical implications of the objectivity argument for sexual violence policy? In conclusion, the objectivity argument contributes to the debate on feminism theory, namely through an examination of the realism of causal and constitutive social constructions. These two models are able to show which arguments are weak and strong in the three feminist perspectives regarding sexual violence (natural-biological, sociocultural, and liberal). This distinction is at least useful in looking at the breadth of acts of sexual violence in the UU TPKS. However, the breadth of the problems contained in the UU TPKS cannot be fully captured by this model. Therefore, I provide additional notes concerning the dimensions of victims of sexual violence and acts that have not been accommodated in the UU TPKS."