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"Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk membahas penyebab kegagalan kebijakan Make in India pada masa pemerintahan Narendra Modi periode 2014-2019. Kebijakan ini memiliki tujuan untuk memfasilitasi investasi, mendorong inovasi, meningkatkan pengembangan keterampilan pekerja, dan membangun India menjadi negara pusat industri manufaktur dunia. Teori the Competitive Advantage of Nations oleh Michael Porter digunakan sebagai pedoman analisis. Teori ini digunakan untuk menganalisis faktor-faktor yang membuat target program Make in India tidak tercapai. Ditemukan bahwa kegagalan reformasi undang-undang di bidang ketenagakerjaan (Factory Act 1948, The Apprentices Act 1961, dan Labor Laws 2011) dan pembebasan lahan (Land Acquisition Bill 2015) berimplikasi pada ketidaktercapaian target dan tujuan dari program. Make in India. Reformasi dua undang-undang ini terhenti karena adanya penolakan dari pihak oposisi di parlemen dan serikat pekerja. Hal ini akhirnya berdampak pada tingkat kompetitif perusahaan manufaktur domestik di India yang seharusnya menjadi kunci untuk memiliki keunggulan kompetitif di perdagangan global.

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This study aims to discuss the causes of the failure of the Make in India policy during the reign of Narendra Modi in the 2014-2019 period. This policy aims to facilitate investment, encourage innovation, enhance worker skills development, and build India into a global manufacturing hub. The Competitive Advantage of Nations theory by Michael Porter is used as a guideline for analysis. This theory is used to analyze the factors that prevent the targets of the Make in India program from being achieved. It was found that the failure to reform labor laws (Factory Act 1948, The Apprentices Act 1961, and Labor Laws 2011) and land acquisition (Land Acquisition Bill 2015) had implications for the targets and objectives of the Make in India program not being achieved. The reform of these two laws was halted due to resistance from the opposition in parliament and the trade unions. This ultimately impacts on the competitive level of domestic manufacturing companies in India which should be the key to having a competitive advantage in global trade."

"Penelitian ini membahas tentang kebijakan ruang angkasa India. Sejak diinisiasi pada tahun1962, kebijakan ruang angkasa India ditujukan untuk meningkatkan kesejahteraan masyarakat, melalui pemanfaatan teknologi di bidang komunikasi, meteorologi dan penginderaan jauh. Akan tetapi, sejak memasuki abad ke-21, orientasi kebijakan ruang angkasa India bergeser menjadi bersifat lebih eksploratif dan dekat dengan kepentingan militer. Dengan pendekatan kualitatif, dalam penelitian ini digunakan konsep Geopolitical Vision yang dikemukakan oleh Gertjan Dijkink untuk menjelaskan pelaksanaan kebijakan ruang angkasa India setelah pengesahan Chandrayaan-1 pada tahun 2003. Melalui empat indikator di dalam konsep tersebut, yaitu territorial borders, geopolitical code, national missions dan impersonal forces, penelitian ini menjelaskan pertimbangan apa yang diambil pemerintah India untuk menentukan orientasi kebijakan ruang angkasa India pascapengesahan misi Chandrayaan-1 tahun 2003. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa perubahan orientasi kebijakan ruang angkasa India yang menjadi lebih eksploratif dan dekat dengan kepentingan militer diawali oleh konflik dengan Pakistan dalam Perang Kargil tahun 1999, dan berikutnya dipicu pula oleh perkembangan kebijakan ruang angkasa Tiongkok, keinginan India untuk menjadi space power serta perubahan pola kebijakan ruang angkasa global.

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This research discusses the Indian space policy. Since it was initiated in 1962, Indian space policy was aimed to improve the welfare of the community, through the use of technology in the fields of communication, meteorology and also remote sensing. However, since entering the 21st century, the orientation of Indian space policy has shifted to become more exploratory and closer to the military interests. With a qualitative approach, in this study the concept of Geopolitical Vision proposed by Gertjan Dijkink was used to explain the implementation of Indian space policy after the ratification of Chandrayaan-1 in 2003. Through the four indicators in the concept, namely territorial borders, geopolitical code, national missions and impersonal forces, this study explains what considerations the Indian government took to determine the orientation of Indian space policy after the enactment of the Chandrayaan-1 mission in 2003. This study finds that changes in the orientation of Indian space policy which became more explorative and closer to military interests were preceded

by conflict with Pakistan in the 1999 Kargil War, and subsequently triggered by the development of China`s space policy, India's desire to become space power and changes in global space policy patterns."

"This book chronicles Indias quest for universal elementary education (UEE) with focus on the period after 1986, a period during which India made spectacular strides progressing from a country which accounted for a third to one with a minuscule 0.3 per cent of the out-of-school children in the world. This was also the period in which following the Jomtien Conference on Education for All and the acute macroeconomic crisis of early 1990s India mobilized funding on an unprecedented scale from development agencies like the World Bank, European Community, DFID, and UNICEF. For the first time, this book comprehensively narrates against the backdrop of national and global ideational, economic, political, and educational developments the dynamics of the engagement with development agencies, and all developments, policies, and programmes which contributed to spectacular strides. The distinctiveness of the book lies in the fact that for the first time for a book on education, and unusual even for books on policy and development cooperation the book illuminates the inner workings of governments and development agencies, the political and administrative processes and policy conflicts that were crucial in conceptualizing and implementing the policies and programmes, the complex web of interactions between the central government, state governments, and development agencies, and the innovative manner in which external funds were mobilized with the Indian government exercising leadership in its relationship with agencies, and without compromising its right country to autonomously and self-reliantly plan and implement programmes. All in all, the book provides information and many insights few, even experts, possess, and should be of interest to not only to educationists, and educational administrators but also to scholars and practitioners of development cooperation and policymaking in general."

"Studi ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis efek trade creation dan trade diversion dari penerapan AIFTA pada ekspor dan impor Indonesia menggunakan data agregat dan disagregat yang terdiri dari 6 komoditas. Sampel penelitian terdiri dari 25 negara pada periode 2006-2017. Metode estimasi menggunakan Poisson Pseudo Maximum Likelihood (PPML). Hasil estimasi menunjukkan penerapan AIFTA menimbulkan efek negatif export trade diversion yang signifikan. Pada data disagregat, net trade creation terdapat pada komoditas food-drinks-tobacco and live animals, energy products dan raw materials. Selain itu, net trade diversion terdapat pada komoditas other manufactured goods dan machinery and transport equipment

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This research aims to analyzes the effects of trade creation and trade diversion of the AIFTA implementation on export and import of Indonesia using agregate and disagregate data consists of 6 commodites. This study’s sample consists of 25 countries from 2006-2017. Estimation method using Poisson Pseudo Maximum Likelihood (PPML). The result indicate that there are significant evidence for the export trade diversion. Using disaggregated data, net trade creation effect is found in food-drinks-tobacco and live animals, energy products, and raw materials commodity. Meanwhile, net trade diversion effect is found in other manufactured goods and machinery and transport equipment commodity."

"Penelitian ini membahas mengenai pengaruh adanya interseksionalitas pada perempuan miskin India terhadap terhambatnya efektivitas kebijakan anti-kekerasan terhadap perempuan. Meskipun telah direvisi dua kali yaitu tahun 2003 dan 2011, kebijakan Pre- Natal Diagnostic Technique 1994 yang dibuat oleh pemerintah India dalam rangka menghapus praktik sex-selective abortion (SSA) gagal meningkatkan jumlah kelahiran bayi perempuan dalam perhitungan rasio seks saat lahir di India tahun 1994-2014. Penelitian ini berusaha menganalisis penyebab kegagalan tersebut dengan metode kualitatif melalui pengumpulan data sekunder. Tinjauan literatur, data statistik pemerintah dan naskah kebijakan akan dianalisis melalui teori interseksionalitas. Hasil temuan menunjukkan bahwa pengabaian interseksionalitas struktural pada proses pembuatan kebijakan PCPNDT 1994 menyebabkan kebijakan ini tidak efektif dalam menghapus kekerasan terhadap perempuan.

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This research analyzes the relation between intersectionality on poor women and the effectiveness of anti violence against women policy. Even though it has been revised in 2003 and 2011, Pre Natal Diagnostic Technique Act of 1994 created by the Indian government to abolish the practice of sex-selective abortion SSA failed to increase the number of female birth in sex ratio at birth calculation in Indian. This study attempts to analyze the causes of this failure with qualitative method and secondary data. Analysis of literature review, government statistical data and policy manuscripts through intersectionality theory shows that the neglect of structural intersectionality in the policy making process has made PCPNDT Act of 1994 ineffective in eliminating violence against women."

"The Preamble and the Directive Principles of Indias Constitution provide for state intervention for assuring every citizens health and well-being. Yet India has wide disparities and inequalities in the standard of living, with two-thirds of the people without access to tap water and a clean toilet, a third malnourished, over a million children dying before reaching the age of five, and millions dying due to communicable diseases that are treatable at an incredibly low cost. Despite insuring schemes, every year over 60 million are impoverished due to the high cost of care. This is due to abysmal spending on health, weak governance, and poor leadership. Clearly, India has failed to forge a political system founded on the principle of a social contract where ensuring universal access to fundamental public goods-clean air, safe water, sanitation, hygiene, nutritious food and basic healthcare, and security against health-expenditure shocks-is visualized as its primary obligation, not an option. In deeply stratified societies like ours where gender, caste, religion, and residence create barriers that cannot be overcome by individual effort, the negotiating presence of a strong and assertive state becomes necessary. This book discusses the evolution of Indias health policy, followed by a comprehensive discussion on financing and governance in health, and contains two stories about Indias struggle to reverse the HIV/AIDS epidemic and revitalizing the primary healthcare system in rural areas under the National Rural Health Mission (NRHM). Finally, it assesses what the future focus should be. It is based on the authors understanding of the health sector acquired over two decades of engagement in various capacities."